448 GIRL AND WOMAN, SHORT ARTICLES. MONUMENT OF HENRY KIRKE WHITE, 397 NOTES ON MICROSCOPIC CRYSTALS. By JOHN LEA, 413 MR. BRIGHT'S HEALTH, . 432 432 NEW BOOKS: Second Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of America. Archæology and Ethnology NUMBERS OF THE LIVING AGE WANTED. The publishers are in want of Nos. 1179 and 1180 (dated respectively Jan. 5th and Jan. 12th, 1867) of THE LIVING AGE. To subscribers, or others, who will do us the favor to send us either or both of those numbers, we will return an equivalent, either in our publications or in cash, until our wants are supplied. PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY LITTELL & GAY, BOSTON. FOR EIGHT DOLLARS, remitted directly to the Publishers, the LIVING AGE will be punctually for. warded for a year, free of postage. But we do not prepay postage on less than a year, nor where we have to pay commission for forwarding the money. Price of the First Series, in Cloth, 36 volumes, 90 dollars. Any Volume Bound, 8 dollars; Unbound, 2 dollars. The sets, or volumes, will be sent at the expense of the publishers. PREMIUMS FOR CLUBS. For 5 new subscribers ($40.), a sixth copy; or a set of HORNE'S INTRODUCTION TO THE BIBLE, unabridged, in 4 large volumes, cloth, price $10; or any 5 of the back volumes of the LIVING AGE, in numbers, price $10. ALLIBONE'S DICTIONARY OF AUTHORS. BY R. 8. MACKENZIE, D.C.L. THE second volume of this valuable work, the fruit of much reading, enormous labor, and sagacious judgment, has been published. Dr. Allibone dedicates this, and its successor (which will appear during the present year), "to my friend Joshua B. Lippincott, whose enterprise enables me to give to the world the completion of this work." This is a pleasant instance of good feeling between author and publisher. Massinger, the dramatist; Dr. Conyers Middleton, a scholar, and a ripe one;" Hugh Miller, geologist; H. H. Milman, poet and historian; John Milton; Miss Mitford; D. M. Moir, the Delta" of Blackwood; James and Robert Montgomery, poets; Sir Thomas More; Lady Morgan; the clever Napiers; Sir Isaac Newton; John Nichols, John Owen, the Puritan; Richard Owen, the psychologist; Thomas Paine; Dr. Paley; Dr. Samuel Parr; Paulding, the novelist; William Penn, J. G. Percival, the poet; É. A. Poe; Richard Parson; W. H. Prescott, the historian; Dr. Joseph Priestley; Matthew Prior, poet and diplomatist; B. W. Procter, Barry Cornwall;" William Prynne, the Puritan; Dr. Pusey, heresiarch; Mrs. Radcliffe, novelist; Sir Walter Raleigh; R. E. Raspe, with a history of the authorship of Baron Munchausen's Travels; Dr. Thomas Reid, the metaphysician; Sir Joshua Reynolds; Obadiah Rich; Samuel Richardson, novelist; Joseph Ritson, antiquarian, critic, and vegetarian; Robertson, historian; Samuel Rogers, poet; William Roscoe, biographer of the Medici family; John Ruskin, art critic; Lord John Russell; Epes Sargent; Dr. Philip Schaff, critic and scholar; John Sedden; P. B. Shelley; R. B. Sheridan, 66 "The orator, dramatist, minstrel, who ran Through each mode of the lyre, and was master of all;" The first volume of this " Dictionary of English Literature and British and American Authors" was published by Mr. Childs, to whom it was dedicated, in December, 1858. The completion of this magnum opus- - a surprising work for one man to have executed has been anxiously expected and demanded by readers of the English language at home and abroad. The new volume gives all the known (and many of the almost unknown) British and American authors who alphabetically range under the letters K to S, both inclusive, and contains over 1300 pages royal octavo, clear type, on sized paper, which will not blot when memoranda of correction or addition are written upon it - apparently a small, but really a great advantage to all who keep the work always at hand for reference and use. In a recent notice of this great work (an avant courier, as it were), we particularly noticed the fulness and completeness of the critical and bibliographical articles upon Pope, Scott, and Shakspeare. Sir Philip Sidney, last of the heroes of chivHere, on the same plan, are many other ad- alry; John Skelton, poet; Adam Smith, mirable articles, among which the most at- father of political economy; Dr. William tractive and exhaustive are those upon Smith, writer of dictionaries; Tobias SmolThomas Moore; Lord Macaulay; John lett, novelist; Robert Southey; Jared Keats; Sir James Mackintosh (a man who Sparks; Edward Spenser, of "The Faëry scarcely performed anything very good, but Queen;" Dr. W. B. Sprague, Albany; Sir Lawrence was always thinking of doing it); Dr. Lin- Richard Steele, "The Tatler; gard, the historian, who thrice refused a Sterne; Henry Stevens, of Vermont, bibliCardinal's hat; J. P. Kennedy, man ofographist; Dugald Stewart, metaphysician; letters and politics; Chancellor Kent; Joseph Story, jurisconsult; Mrs. Calvin E. Charles Lamb, the gentle "Elia;" Walter Stowe, author of "Uncle Tom's Cabin; " Savage Landor, original of blustering, good- Charles Sumner, United States Senator; natured Boythorne in Bleak House;" and Jonathan Swift, D.D., Dean of St. PatEliakim Littell, founder and editor of the rick's, Dublin, and author of "The Drapier's Museum and Living Age, which bear his Letters," and "Gulliver's Travels." honored name; John Locke, the philosopher, author, among other things, of an impracticable Constitution for one of our Southern States; H. W. Longfellow, the poet; James Russell Lowell; Lord Lytton; Henry Mackenzie, "the Man of Feeling; James Macpherson, of Ossianic notoriety; Lord Mahon, now Earl Stanhope; Philip The concluding volume will have a peculiar attraction in its promised appendix of forty copious indexes of subjects, by means of which the reader can at once refer to all the authors who have written upon any given department of letters. The work, as a whole, is most creditable to the age, the author, and the country. From Fraser's Magazine. | people, weary of the conflict and disgusted with the spectacle will regret his rule, and without exertion on his part may Ir is not easy to predict what are the call him back to the helm once more, and chances as to duration and success of the offer him a sceptre safer and more absolute present attempt at parliamentary governthan ever. He may, moreover, as still the ment in France, and it would be idle to practical head of the Executive, feel strong indulge in mere conjecture. Even the real enough to allow the experiment to be fairly mental attitude of the Emperor towards it tried, and under securer conditions than is doubtful. It may be that he has accepted before; for there are two features in the it as an inevitable result of the rising position of affairs in France never before national feeling against Cæsarism and its combined. The army stationed in Paris has errors and results a feeling of which the such complete and unquestioned command late general election was only one of many of the city that, as long as it remains loyal, indications; that something of the indolence the wildest mob would be utterly powerless, and fatalism of advancing years is creeping and would feel itself to be so; -insurrecover him; and that age and disease have tion and barricades would be put down at enfeebled that pertinacious and resolute once, and no real rising could gain head volition which was once so strong, and in-enough to be formidable; and that the disposed him alike for the effort and the army is, as a whole, devoted to the Emperor risk of a struggle of which, under no cir- has never, we believe, been seriously cumstances, would the issue be wholly satis- doubted. An army under a competent and factory. It may be - and is more probable determined chief always obeys orders in the -that his shrewd, patient, and tortuous first instance; the instinct of military disciintelligence sees its way, by a frank and pline and obedience operates more promptapparently cordial, if somewhat passive, ly and instantaneously than any other feelacquiescence in the popular will, to turning the result of the experiment, whether that result be failure or success, to his own advantage. If parliamentary government should once more run the vessel on the rocks; if parties have not yet learned the great lesson of compromise, and should still prefer deadly warfare to profitable co-oper-order whenever they were clearly menaced, ation; if patriots with discrepant views and hopes should be still irreconcilable, should insist upon all or nothing, as they hitherto have always done, and should be again mad and passionate enough to attempt by an appeal to violence to escape the defeat re-siastic, earnest, and aggressive party in sulting from an appeal to the voting urn; if once more an upsetting of all that is and a reversal of all that has been done shall be regarded as a necessary preliminary to the inauguration of the new régime; and if an inability to submit to any ascendancy but that of an autocrat upon the throne, and the usual promptitude of journalists and politicians to abuse their recovered freedom, shall demonstrate that France is still not ripe for constitutional proceedings; — then the Emperor may reasonably hope that, amid the anarchy and confusion and alarm which will ensue, the saner portion of the ing; and it is not till doubt and disaffection have been allowed to communicate from regiment to regiment and to become organized, that it ever practically interferes to make soldiers hesitate or refuse to act. The Emperor, therefore, could at any moment interfere to maintain peace and and would interfere with deadly and decisive effect; and, moreover, he would be able to interfere with the cordial approbation of the vast majority of the citizens ;for the republicans, the only really enthu France, are distinctly not popular with the nation at large, nor with the upper and middle classes, who in Paris especially dread and deprecate émeutes and civil strife. The revolutionists for once are a minority, and probably a small one; and at present have to deal with antagonists at least as determined as themselves, and far better organized, as well as holding a more commanding position. If on the other hand, taught by the lessons of the past, the constitutionalists should avoid the rocks on which they have hitherto made shipwreck, and succeed in really es tablishing and working parliamentary gov- | who hoped to be, might not prefer the sovernment, their success may not impossibly ereignty of a boy, with a languid regency secure for the Emperor the object nearest and a long minority, to the stronger volito his heart. At all events he may not un- tion and the distincter individuality of the reasonably think so. He may argue that, Comte de Chambord or the Comte de Paris. perhaps, the substitution of constitutional It is certain they would prefer it to a regovernment for Cæsarism in France, offers public, as giving them greater power and the best chance for the continuance of the less disturbance. The frank and candid Buonapartean dynasty. It may not be a establishment of a constitutional régime, very sure chance, but is it not the most therefore, may enlist the Thiers, the Favres, promising, and possibly the only one? The the Olliviers, and the Paradols - the whole Emperor himself, at the age of sixty and set of the parliamentarians in fact—in fawith a shattered frame, could not long act- vour of the continuance of the present dyually hold the reins of power- such sort of nasty, when no other combination could do power as he has hitherto wielded. His son, so. And Napoleon, who is shrewd and a child of fourteen, obviously could not hold very far-sighted, may see this at least as them for an hour, nor could he even if he clearly as we do. were five and twenty. Neither a failing old It is, then, quite upon the cards that man, nor an immature young one, can play whatever may be the issue of the present the autocrat in France. 66 Despotisms," attempt at constitutional government in says J. H. Newman, "require great men: France, Louis Napoleon may be the gainer. constitutions jog on without them." But But, however this may turn out in the end, either father or son would suffice for that there can be little doubt that the old répageant of rule, a constitutional monarch gime, the Cæsarism which has now ruled after the English type. The Emperor might find repose and safety behind the screen of a responsible ministry chosen by the Chamber, and possibly something also of recovered popularity. He might watch, with a kind of grim and Mephistophelian delight, the various blunders of successive cabinets, and the popular disgust they would arouse, and might trust the people and the press to make the frequent reflection: " Ah, the Emperor would not have been so stupid!" He might still get credit by timely suggestions, and reap applause by judiAs soon as he reigned, but cious vetoes. 66 the country for nearly twenty years, is for a time, at least, at an end. It is a good opportunity, therefore, to consider what it has cost Europe and France, and what it has done for both; to draw out a sort of debtor and creditor account between Napoleon III. and his age, and strike such a balance as we may. Something must be conjectural, no doubt, because political events are often long before their full bearing and consequences are reaped or can be discerned; but still pretty ample materials exist, and may be handled with some confidence. We will begin with the debtor side of the balance sheet. And first, let us ascertain as nearly as we can, the pecuniary cost of the Imperial régime. did not govern," as soon as he was in the position of a sovereign who could "do no wrong," his ministers would be the scapegoats, and the fits of national indignation A system or dynasty, however popular would pass him by unharmed. His en- among the masses, which has risen either feebled powers, and his son's undeveloped by force or by the favour of one class of the ones, might be quite adequate to the unex- community, can rarely be otherwise than acting position which, under such a régime, lavish in its expenditure. The people must would be theirs. His son might then suc- be dazzled; the workmen must be employed ceed him without the country feeling the and fed; the army must be kept in good transfer of the fainéant sceptre. The neces- humour; and if a means of doing all this sity for a revolution, or a change of dynasty, can be contrived without resorting to taxaon his death would be superseded. Nay tion, the sole check upon lavish expenditure more; it is by no means certain that the is removed. It will not surprise us, then, ambitious parliamentary chiefs who would to learn that the rule of Napoleon III. has then be ministers, as well as their rivals increased the national budget by upwards of 250,000,000 francs annually, or ten mil-| lions sterling. Average expenditure in 1847-48 1860 1867-68 Estimated, 1869 francs The Emperor was far too sagacious to provide for this augmented outlay by fresh taxes: he trusted partly to the natural elasticity of the revenue under an expanded and stimulated trade, but still more to incessant borrowing, which his contrivance for getting possession of the small savings of the millions by means of open loans, enabled him to do to almost any extent. Thus there has always been a deficit, and the deficit has been always met in the same way, with the following result: Public funded debt in 1850. 1860. 1869. francs Two other facts may aid us in arriving at a correct general impression. The conscription, which demanded 80,000 men 1,770,000,000 yearly when the Emperor ascended the 1,825,000,000 throne, averaged 124,000 from 1854-59, and 1,926,000,000 has been 100,000 since, besides having been 2,128,000,000 still further increased by the recent law. The French army, which numbered 404,000 in 1850, reached 596,000 in 1868. So at least it appears according to the best figures we can procure from the Annuaire de la Statistique, the Almanach de Gotha, and elsewhere. But no one who has not tried, is aware how difficult it is to get the exact truth from French official statements, whether military or financial. Thus the Almanach de French army in 1847 at 286,000, and GenGotha gives the effective strength of the eral Balfour (a first-rate authority), at 368,000. The same writer gives the "effective" army in 1850 at 404,000, in 1860 at 465,000, 5,020,000,000 while the Annuaire gives it for 1868 at 9,334,000,000 419,000 in actual service, and 177,000 of 12,993,000,000 reserve, adding "L'effectif général de That is to say, in the course of twenty years nos forces militaires était donc de 596,000." the Emperor has managed to spend three The entire expenditure for army and navy hundred and twenty millions sterling more in France was 16 1-2 millions sterling in than his revenue, or sixteen millions annu- 1850, and 27 1-2 in 1863. (General Balally. four.) It can scarcely be less now, though stated only for 1869 at 22 millions; but the confusion between "ordinary" and "extraordinary" expenses, prevents us trusting to these figures as complete. On the indirect evils to the physical and economical efficiency of the French people by the withdrawal of so large and select a portion of the population from marriage and industrial pursuits for so many of the most vigorous years of life, we need not dwell. It notoriously diminishes the agricultural resources of the country, and is gradually deteriorating the physical qualities of the race. By the last return it appears that 5 per cent. of the young conscripts are rejected as under size (the requisite height being only five feet one inch), and more than 26 per cent. for disqualifying infirmities of one sort or another. That is to say, one third of the young men of France are unfit for military service. "L'empire c'est la paix," we were told shortly after the Emperor's succession. Yet from the fall of the first Napoleon, to the advent of the second, Europe enjoyed an almost unbroken peace of a quarter of a century. Napoleon III. has waged three of the most costly and sanguinary wars on record. What the Mexican expedition cost is not known, and certainly will never be officially stated; but the expenditure on the Crimean and Italian wars is given by the author of Ten Years of Imperialism in France, a well-informed and by no means unfriendly writer-as 1,859 millions of francs. What it cost in life cannot be confidently stated, but the aggregate sacrifice of French soldiers and sailors during the Emperor's wars, is calculated on apparently reliable data, to have been not less than 120,000 men; viz. 95,000 by wounds and disease in the Crimean war, 15,000 in the Italian campaign, and 10,000 in the Mexi When, shortly after the coup d'état, the can and other distant expeditions. These Emperor commenced those extensive demofigures are taken from the Guerres contem-litions and erections in Paris which were at poraines of M. Leroy-Beaulieu. once to remodel the metropolis and to find |