aspirations, exclusive and sometimes rival interests. But, upon all, and conciliating all, there was a community of doctrine, of ideals, of principles, and of public law, which welded all these various states, with their conflicting ambitions and purposes, into one whole. What common doctrine and conciliating influence was not Christinity? Was not Christianity, as it was known to the world, especially from the tenth to the sixteenth century, an anticipating manifestation of the League of Nations? Unfortunately, that majestic unity of principle and doctrine which formed the basis of the Christianity of that epoch disappeared with the passing of the centuries. Let us, without indulging in any confident expectation of a reunion of Christendom, at least entertain the hope that the present League of Nations will result in the creation of a moral power among the peoples of the world which will be capable of rendering useful service in the maintenance of peace, and the establishment everywhere of the reign of justice and of right.

The Speech from the Throne contains the announcement that Canada has been named as one of the twelve states entitled to representation in the Council charged with the direction of an international bureau of labour. This bureau will have an important role to play, a task difficult of accomplishment. Is it possible to establish throughout the world a uniform system of regulations regarding labour? It may be doubted, because of the differences in environment, in customs, and in climatic, physiological, and economic conditions, which exist among various races and nationalities. But if, in any event, it became possible to establish a code of general principles, the wise application of which would bring about a reign of concord, and assure harmonious co-operation among the classes who should unite their efforts in the allimportant task of production and industrial progress, then, it would not have been in vain that the international conference of labour had been brought into being, and had deliberated, devoting weeks and even months to the drafting of a charter of labour in the two worlds.

conflict of divergent schools of thought in the arena of economic facts and theories. There are, for example, the stubborn upholders of the sacred rights of capital; there are the uncompromising champions of radical collectivism; and there are the disciples of the moderate school, who are disposed to recognize the necessity and legitimacy of intelligence-capital and of money-capital, and likewise the necessity and legitimacy of labour's claim to a certain share in the profits of production. In the midst of this strife where is one to find the truth, the equity the just proportion of rights and duties. These are searching questions which cannot be obliterated with a stroke of the pen nor be solved in an hour. Standing as I do within the precincts of this Chamber, I do not hesitate to express the conviction that the recognition and perfect understanding of the principles and doctrines which Christianity has for nineteen centuries caused to triumph in the world can alone lead to a just solution of these questions. It was these principles and doctrines of which we were reminded a third of a century ago, in a luminous thesis, by that illustrious thinker and sociologist who bore the title of Leo XIII, and who was one of the most eminent men of our age. The application of these principles and doctrines would lead the nations with certainty to the establishment of social justice, and social justice would be a sure guarantee of social peace. Such a peace ought to be the object of every legislator having a due sense of his responsibility. We have obtained a peace of nations; and whatever defects there may be in the treaties and pacts which have signalized the return of peace, the frightful war is ended, and the peoples are permitted once more to breathe freely. But a peace of classes, civic and economic peace among the children of the Mother country, is menaced in many lands by the bitter conflict of appetites, cupidities, and interests. Canada itself has already witnessed the manifestation of larming symptoms. In the face of so formidable a peril it is important that the legis lator should be able to foresee, and, foreseeing, to prevent the disastrous conse queares of which these symptoms warn as. Heaven grant that the international conference, and the international labour. bureau may study these questions in a large spirit of justice, and prepare the remedy and solution which will satisfy all equitable demands and safeguard all legitimate

Another of the paragraphs in the Speech from the Throne I desire to discuss briefly. It is that which is concerned with the question of re-establishment of our returned soldiers, and of their return to or taking up of agricultural life. This latter point has for me a profound interest. I must say that it was with sentiments of patriotic joy that I read that 46,630 disbanded soldiers had made a request to be settled upon the land. The Agricultural Gazette of Canada in its January number informs us $51,572,332 has already been lent to soldiers who desired to engage in agriculture. The Soldiers' Settlement Board has granted provisional titles to 869,000 acres of land in the Western provinces. Of 42,630 dis

that

I

charged men who have applied for certificates authorizing them to participate in the benefits of the legislation relating to settlement 32,363 have received them. am aware that from this number there will necessarily be some deduction, because all men are not equally persevering, and there will be discouragements and abandonments. But if even sixty per cent or only fifty per cent of our soldier farmers remain on the land such a result will be highly gratifying. It is, you see, a response to one of the most urgent needs of the hour. All our far-sighted economists would seem to have taken as their watchword, "Produce, and again produce!" And of all our products those of the farm rank among the most necessary. The increase in the cost of living has become almost a public calamity. It has caused anguish to reign in many a household. It haunts like a nightmare an infinite number of firesides. It wrings the heart of many a mother and sears with lines of care the brow of many a father. In the presence of such a state of things a sudden accession to the ranks of the farming community may be hailed as a national benefit. The policy of turning demobilized soldiers into cultivators of the soil is one which merits general approbation. Moreover, it is a policy which may possibly have been inspired by the noble traditions of our early history. Such a policy was put in operation in Canada two and a half centuries ago. In 1667, in the reign of Louis XIV, with Colbert as Chief Minister of the Crown, and with Talon as intendant, the Government demobilized her soldiers to transform them into farmers. Permit me to read to you a few extracts bearing precisely upon this subject from a book entitled: "The Colonization of New France," written by M. Emile Salone, a distinguished Frenchman. We there see how history re

peats itself and how true it is that there is nothing new under the sun. Referring to the disbanding and settlement of the soldiers who had taken part in the campaign against the Iroquois, it says:

With the decisive defeat of the Iroquois there would be no reason for any longer maintaining in Canada a garrison of a thousand men. The army of occupation was consequently reduced to four companies numbering in all three hundred men. The question was what to do with those soldiers who were no longer required for military duty. It was not unnatural that the idea should have occurred of attempting to retain in the colony as many of them as possible. It was in 1665 that Talon met at la Rochelle the companies of the Carignan regiment which were to cross to America with him. He had a plan of his own. He succeeded in increasing their effectives by seventy supernumaries, which would permit him, while still maintaining the companies at their full strength, to distribute among the inhabitants such as might possess some useful trade or public calling. Once in Canada, Talon modified these projects a little. With the assistance of Tracy, he reserved the conquerors of the Agniers and the Onneyouths for the task of colonization properly so called, and for the putting of the soil in cultivation. Both Talon and de Tracy had recourse to history to justify the excellence of their policy, and above all to the case of those two eminent races, the Romans and the Franks.

Officers and men manifested much enthusiasm in conforming to the plan of the King; (and he testified to his satisfaction on learing that the majority of the soldiers who composed the four companies who at first crossed to America under the command of Tracy, and the regiment of Carignan should exhibit so much disposition to take up their abode in the country.) Immediately this fair country exercised its charm upon them. They already knew also that the Government would recompense them for their zeal by showing them special favour and by aiding them in every way possible; that it would furnish them with large grants of land, with the necessities of life, with ready money for the establishing of homes, and with wives. The military operations were hardly finished when one witnessed the settlement of a great number of these soldiers. In the autumn of 1666, six captains of the Carignan regiment, and ten subalterns, lieutenants or ensigns, took up homes. The following year the intendant writes to the minister: "M. de Tracy told you that there was hope that several officers and soldiers would decide to settle in the country. He will not have told you of what has happened since his departure; that already two captains of the Carignan-Salières regiment have married two young women of the country, and that a lieutenant and four ensigns are conferring with their sweethearts with a view to the same end. I regard them

as already as good as engaged, and I desire to say that all those of whom I have spoken, whether married or unmarried are labouring at this moment to improve the habitations which I gave them; that the two captains employing on their property the best soldiers of their companies, and the subalterns those whom their superior officers assigned to them. There will be much clearing done during the next winter. The soldiers imitate

their chiefs. They are asking for wives and habitations."

They were given both. Honourable gentlemen, have I not reason to say that history repeats itself. More than two centuries afterwards Canadian soldiers are repeating the conduct of their predecessors. After having poured out their blood in the struggle against civilized barbarism, just as those of older time did against that of the savage, they also in the same manner, lay aside the rifle for the plough, and scarcely returned from the desolated fields where the engines of war scattered destruction and death, they apply themselves to those fertile fields from which their fertile labour will bring forth harvests of life. The important task of re-establishing our soldiers in civil occupations could not offer a more consoling aspect.

The economic and financial situation among the nations, torn and impoverished by the war, is less satisfactory. In that regard no one will be tempted to find 'too sombre the picture drawn for us in the speech from the Throne, when it describes the ruinous conditions of exchange, the lack of international credit, the excessive circulation of paper money, combined with the scarcity of raw materials, the insufficiency of transports and the labour difficulties. To remedy these evils one hears repeated on every side that we must increase labour and production, and that individuals, like states, must practice saving and economy. Also, is it not plain to you that this universal precept is universally violated? Since the termination of the war there seems to reign everywhere a frenzy of pleasure-seeking and a frenzy of idleness. From the highest to the lowest rung of the social ladder one witnesses the same spectacle. Those of the lower classes wish to work less and to have more pay, and more pleasure; while those of the higher classes wish to gain wealth easily and quickly in order that they may plunge headlong into a life of ease and display. And all the while grave voices are repeating and their words everywhere reverberate: "Production and economy! Production and economy!" But so far is this from their thoughts that men are actually wracking brains to invent new means of diminishing production and increasing extravagance. This tidal wave of folly, idleness and ostentatious spending has not altogether spared this Canada of ours; yet one may be permitted to find some satisfaction in the thought that our country is perhaps less submerged by it than others.

Our commercial situation, for instance, is such as to encourage us to hope that Canada will be able to support, without flinching, the terrible burden placed upon us by the war. In a statement made at the beginning of the present year, our Minister of Finance announced that for the eight months ending the 30th of November, 1919, our imports were $636,389,157, while our exports were $838,973,479, which gave us for that period a trade balance in our favour of $202,000,000. I do not wish to be understood as finding in this favourable trade balance sufficient reason for indulging in a song of triumph. But it does seem to me that the figures are encouraging, and constitute a favourable symptom.

There is another matter which I would have discussed at some length if the limits which I have set for my discourse had permitted me to do so. It is that of the electoral franchise, with reference to which the Speech from the Throne has announced proposed legislation. I will confine myself simply to the statement that on that subject I hold views which have little conformity with current political orthodoxy. In my opinion, one of the electoral systems, the most rational and the most equitable, the surest and the most apt to safeguard the stability of political institutions, is that which Belgium enjoyed before the war, and of which the principal traits were propor tional representation, age limit, and plurality of voting. I shall possibly have occasion again to address the House on this subject before the end of the present session.

And now it only remains to me to re-echo one of the words of the Speech from the Throne. Yes, Canada has good cause for thankfulness that of all countries affected by the war, she has maintained a record of social order and industrial and commercial prosperity which leaves nothing to excite her envy or any other. The efforts of all the members of this Parliament, without distinction of creed or race or shade of political opinion, the efforts, in short, of all good citizens, should be directed to maintaining this order. And for this work of common patriotism, if I might be permitted to speak in the name of the province to which I belong, I would say to my honourable colleagues from the sister provinces: "Have confidence in the province of Quebec; she is loyal, she is faithful to the traditions of the past. she is conservativeand when I say conservative, it is manifest that I am speaking not of the political complexion of the province, but of her social temperament; she is ardently and profound

ly Canadian. She is the more so because he sinks her roots in three centuries of history, and because her annals go back to the first days of civilization and Christianity on this continent. Possessing, as she does, a tradition and aspect more ancient than the others, she is for that reason imbued with energies and doctrines which, you may rest assured, cannot but contribute powerfully to the grandeur, the prosperity, the peace and the glory of the Canadian Confederation.

Hon. HEWITT BOSTOCK: Honourable gentlemen, after hearing the very eloquent speech of the honourable gentleman who has seconded the Address, we feel that a very strong addition has been made to the debating power of this Chamber. I wish to congratulate both the mover and the seconder of the address on their speeches. They both come to this Chamber with experience in the public life of this country, and I am sure that their knowledge and experience will be of great benefit to us in our work.

Meeting as we do in these new buildings, I think it is perhaps fitting that I should refer first of all to the cable read by His Honour the Speaker at the opening on Thursday last, conveying to this Parliament the greetings of His Majesty and good wishes for our future. It reminds us not only of the sovereignty which we share in common with all parts of the British Empire, but of the constant concern of members of the Royal Family for the well-being and prosperity of this Dominion. We may recall that when it first became necessary to find a home for the representatives of the Dominion the site of our Parliament Buildings was chosen by our late beloved Queen Victoria. The corner stone of the old building was laid by her son the Prince of Wales, afterwards King Edward VII of England. The corner stone of the present building was laid by His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught, and that of the Memorial Tower by His Royal Highness, Edward, Prince of Wales. From Confederation down to the present time the foundation and construction of our Parliament Buildings have been intimately associated with the Royal Family, and they have shown a keen interest in the development of our institutions. If anything were lacking to bring home to the minds of the people of Canada a knowledge of this fact, it was adequately supplied by His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales when he made his trip through Canada last year. His frank and open-hearted manner

of meeting the people aroused a feeling of mutual affection and respect which we hope may ever be maintained.

Meeting as we do to-day in these buildings, which have risen from the ashes of the old building, we recall that the old building was the result of the determination of the Fathers of Confederation to bring about unity and co-operation among the British colonies on the North American continent. May we hope that this imposing edifice, with its dignified and noble proportions, will inspire all those who come within its portals to strive to carry on the great work of bringing more closely together this great Dominion in bonds of unity and fellowship; and, further that this country may, as time goes on, maintain its proper place among the Dominions of the British Empire, and more and more be recognized in the councils of the nations of the world as a power making for peace and the improvement of the human race.

When we contemplate the finished design of these buildings, we realize that the chief architect, Mr. John Pearson, and his associate, Mr. J. O. Marchand, have succeeded in a wonderful way in impressing upon all who enter these portals the greatness of the ideals at which we should be aiming; that it is not only for to-day we are working, but that any action of to-day may have an influence on the future in a way we never contemplate. Mr. Pearson and his associate, the members of the Building Committee of both Houses, the officials of the Public Works Department, and others who have been entrusted with carrying out this work have succeeded in making this building a standing record of some of the resources of this country, working into it materials from several provinces, thus further exemplifying the unity of the whole. It teaches us that we should try more and more to bring about unity and good fellowship throughout this Dominion of Canada.

The Speech from the Throne deals with a number of subjects, principally with those touching our relations with the outside world, only a very small portion of it being devoted to the question of the economic conditions that so seriously affect the country at the present time. We are all pleased to know that peace with Germany has been successfully completed, and that we may now look forward to a settled condition of the world. At the same time, we must realize that conditions of unrest prevail throughout the world, even in this country, and that it will take us a very long time to overcome them so that we may be able

to carry on the administration in the best way possible. The people of the country are to-day beginning to realize that the work which has been going on during the war, and the conditions under which they have laboured, have had an effect on the country and on the finances of the country. I think it is fair to say that only lately has the enormous destruction wrought in the world during the years of the war been brought home to the people of the country. What has brought it home to them most clearly is the depreciation of our currency. They find that their money is being taken at a discount in many of the countries of the world, and they realize that in order to overcome that difficulty they will not only have to produce more, but that they will have to spend less; they realize that it must be their aim to deal with countries where their money is accepted at a more favourable rate rather than with those which are nearest to them. This, I think, will have a tendency to bring together the various parts of the Empire. Each will find out more and more about the resources of the other, and all will come into closer relationship in trade. The effect of this will be of very great benefit not only to Canada but to all parts of the Empire.

Conditions brought about by the war have caused people to consider expenditures much more carefully, especially those made by the Government of the day. They realize that expenditures have got to be curtailed. They have learned within the last few months, for the first time, of the large sums of money required to carry on the operations of the Government railways. A short time ago it was said that the Government railways were costing the country $2,000,000 per month over and above what was received in revenue from the roads. That large sum does not take into account the greater expense which we may be under when, in addition to those roads we already have, we take over the operation of the Grand Trunk Railway System. These figures refer only to actual operating expenses; they do not take into account the question of improvement or betterment; they do not take into account any new construction which the Government may have to undertake. At present we have not the figures to show exactly what those items have amounted to for the past year, but we may be satisfied that when they are taken into account the total will be a

very considerable sum. Now that we are called upon to provide $115,000,000 to pay the interest on the debt of the country,

$35,000,000, for pensions to the men who have returned from the war, and which we are only too willing to pay, and a large sum over and above that for general expenditures, when we think of the large sum of money spent upon our railways, which, if properly managed, should be bringing in a revenue instead of causing an extra expenditure for operating expenses, we will have cause for serious consideration. As time goes on I think that the people of the country will scan closely this large expenditure.

We know from the press that an agreement was submitted to the shareholders of the Grand Trunk Railway Company, and that it was accepted by them, but as yet we have not seen it. Last year, in the dying days of the session, we were called upon to put through a Bill for the acquisition of that railway, without having an opportunity of seeing the full details of the agreement that was to be made with the company. We had to act on the faith that the agreement would be a satisfactory one in the interests of Canada. We expect now that the Government will bring that agreement down to the House without further delay, and that we shall have an opportunity of studying it and seeing whether or not our hopes in that regard have been realized.

In years gone by we always expected that the Speech from the Throne would mention the legislation that the Government intended to ask Parliament to deal with during the session, but the information contained in the Speech from the Throne is very meagre in that respect. Last session the Speech from the Throne said nothing at all about the purchase of the Grand Trunk railway, and the legislation was not brought down until the members of both Houses expected that they would very shortly be dismissed and allowed to return to their homes. I hope that the fact that very little legislation is mentioned in the Speech from the Throne on this occasion does not mean that legislation is going to be sprung upon us in the same way; and I trust that we shall not be asked to deal with questions which have not been announced to the country, and which the country has not had an opportunity of thoroughly studying before they are to become law.

In a country as large as the Dominion of Canada it is most important that proposed legislation should be announced in the Speech from the Throne so that the people, as well as the representatives of the people