and permanence of the Empire, "to guarantee and maintain the essentials of political freedom and to establish equal citizenship for all subjects of the Imperial Crown."

This is a matter for ourselves and the Mother Country to deal with. It is not open to question and interference by other nations. Nor is our place in the League of Nations. That arrangement was not made to give the British Empire any undue representation, but to recognize the position of the Dominions in the Empire and assure to the overseas British countries equal authority with the smaller nations. Of late our position has been challenged. It has been most ably defended by the Hon. N. W. Rowell, the President of the Privy Council. He said:

Canada, by the free action of her own Government, and the whole-hearted co-operation of her own people, raised 600,000 men to take part in this war. She mortgaged her future to carry the burdens which her participation in the war involved. The flower of her youth lies buried in France and Flanders, and thousands more are maimed for life in order that Canada, as one of the free nations of the Britannic commonwealth, might make her contribution to the cause of liberty and the restoration of the world's peace. In the light of these facts, it is inconceivable that any Government in Canada could be so false to both the living and the dead, and to Canada's future, as to give the assent of Canada to a proposal which would deprive Canada of the position and status won for her by her soldiers on the field of battle, and accorded to her at the Peace Conference by the enlightened judgment of nations; particularly is this the case when full status and voting rights are granted, and we think, properly granted, to several nations on the American continent which either by reason of treaties with the United States or of economic necessity are dependent upon her, nations which took no part in the war and whose combined population probably does not exceed that of Canada.

These words summarized our position. The rights we secured should at all hazards be retained. For the sacrifices of Canada in the war there never can be any adequate money compensation. There is, however, the consolation that we did something to save freedom, something to strengthen the Empire and something to ensure closer cooperation among all the British countries in the future.

Turning now to domestic affairs in Canada. In its development and. reconstruction our first duty is to our soldiers who made its new future possible.

As pointed out in the speech from the Throne, the Department of Soldiers' Civil Re-establishment and the Soldiers' Land Settlement Board continue to provide vocational training and opportunities for permanent occupation which greatly aid in the solution of the problem of readjustment. It

is true much has been done; but there is still much to do. I am strongly of the opinion that no effort should be spared to render as light as possible the burdens of those who were wounded in the war. Encouragement and assistance has been given, but we frequently come across men who feel they have not received the treatment they should have received, and that the right of securing the vocations they desire have been denied them. It is possible that in some instances they have been unreasonable, but their wishes should not be lightly put aside; our efforts should be directed towards making them happy and contented.

Canada has done much to assist her returned men, and will, I am satisfied, continue to do more. Her pension list is the most liberal of any nation engaged in the war; but when we consider the cost of living our supposed generous pensions are wholly inadequate. My own opinion is, and I know that this House and the country will agree with me, that the wounded and the families of those who did not return should be our especial care, and that the treasure of the country should be used to make their lot as pleasant as possible. After we have accomplished this end, all the available resources of the country should be used in assisting those who require assistance, not by way of charity, but as the gift of a thankful nation. These men did not hesitate to place their lives in jeopardy that we might live; why then should we hesitate to spend our money so as to lighten their load. Every man should be placed in a position to secure a living. No man who I went to the front, fought for his country, and returned uninjured can rightly claim that the nation owes him a living; but what he can rightly claim is that the nation owes him an opportunity to make a living.

This is one of the problems the Government has had to deal with. Much has been done, but still more is required. Let us have unity of thought and action, for only in that way shall we accomplish what is expected of us and hand down to future generations, and place before the world at large, the fact that the Canadian Government with its able and patriotic leader, Sir Robert Borden, did all that was humanly possible in bringing the country through a crisis of a kind with which no previous parliament of Canada was ever confronted. Mistakes doubtless were made; but a generous and sympathetic nation will not and does not withhold its thanks and gratitude for what has been accomplished.

First and foremost, as I have said, is our duty to our soldiers, not only for what

they have done, but, as I have already pointed out to the country at large, because I see in them, through the broader view they have acquired and in the influence for colonization they have left behind in the Old Land, one of the greatest factors in the new development of Canada.

As we are in a sense laying new foundations after the war, another very essential factor is our money. Our sacrifices in the war in relation to our wealth have been so much greater than those of other nations, -particularly as most affecting us, those of the nation to the south of us-that we find ourselves in a very disadvantageous position. If we are to compete on a reasonable basis, that condition must be righted. Various simple and effective proposals involving sacrifice on the part of other nations have been advanced; as for instance a sharing of the total war expenditure by all the belligerent nations in proportion to their wealth. But we can hope for no such solution; we must rely upon ourselves; and if in so doing we create conditions unfavourable to those other nations we must not hesitate to incur their displeasure. Proportionately we have done more for the common good than they. They have profited by our loss. They should not complain.

How is the desired result to be accomplished? Were we in Canada able to produce all that we require and to dispose of all that we produce we need not worry about this subject; but we must import and we must export. As Mr. Macaulay truly stated,

Every person who buys from the Mother Country, instead of from the United States performs a patriotic service, for he helps to improve the value of sterling exchange and avoids increasing the premium on American exchange. The heavy premium on New York funds, and the huge discount on sterling funds, are the natural and inevitable result of our purchasing chiefly from the United States, while selling chiefly to Great Britain.

If the cause of discount on the home funds is the trade balance and not currency depreciation, the disease automatically provides its own remedy. The discount discourages imports and encourages exports. Bankers are familiar with the fact that when we are borrowing largely from Britain our credits come mainly in the form of goods though, as Dr. Bonar pointed out, by one of the peculiarities of international trade we borrow in London and use the funds to buy goods in the United States. The permanent solution of our exchange problem lies in the consolidation of the Empire in such a way that every

part shall be developed to its capacity; then, all parts by trading together will make the whole Empire prosperous, populous and commercially independent.

Canadian funds should not be at a discount in New York. Our currency is as sound as that of the United States, and our total exports show a balance of hundreds of millions in excess of our total imports. Until the United States sees fit to accept our money at par and treat us on a basis of equality, our duty is to stop buying luxuries from them, and to purchase nothing from them that is not absolutely necessary. As Canada is one of the largest purchasers from the United States, it will not take them long to reach the conclusion that our trade is worth having, and then the high rate of exchange will disappear.

an

The Speech from the Throne refers to the business situation and points out that business is on the whole satisfactory. I am pleased to be able to corroborate that statement. The trade returns for January of this year show that our imports from Great Britain totalled $16,414,503, as compared with $9,882,984 in December, and $6,709,200 in January, 1919. They show that the exports to Great Britain were $38,288,049: and our imports from the United States were $74,520,423, as against $71,069,509 in December, and $59,379,127 in January, 1919. They also show our exports to the United States were $43,577,945, as compared with $41,227,589 in January, 1919. For the ten months of the present fiscal year, our trade shows a favourable balance of $357,500,000 with Great Britain, unfavourable balance of $230,300,000 with the United States, and with all countries a favourable balance amounting to $263,600,000. This is very encouraging. Many people thought that after the war business would for a time be stagnant; instead of that, however, it has kept up, and indications at present point to the continuance of an active market. Almost any manufacturer will tell you that he has orders for months ahead and does not know how to meet the demands of his customers. I am sure you will all agree with me in hoping that the time will not be long before our trade with the United States shows a favourable balance on our side of the ledger. The credit of Canada is proportionately higher than that of any other nation. With our great natural resources we are justified in looking forward to and approaching the future with confidence, and I trust nothing will be done to injure the outstanding position that Canada now occupies.

It is satisfactory to note that a Dominion Franchise Bill will be introduced. I have no idea of what its provisions will be, but doubtless they will be in keeping with public sentiment and modern ideas. In my opinion the franchise should not be granted, for some time at any rate, to aliens, slackers, and men who avoided military service. Canadians have not yet reached the point of forgiving them or placing them on a basis of equality with others.

I have for years felt that the Federal and the Provincial Governments should get together and agree on a franchise covering the whole Dominion. The preparation of the lists could be left in the hands of the municipal authorities, and they could be used for elections to both the Federal and the Provincial Houses. Many millions of expense would be saved in this way, and lists so prepared would, on the whole, be found more satisfactory.

It is satisfactory to note by His Excellency's Address that amendments to the Loan and Trust Companies Acts are contemplated. It is important that these Acts should be amended so as to prevent fraud and speculation with company funds. In the past the moneys of investors have been jeopardized and many people ruined by the improper manipulation of funds by those placed in positions of trust.

I trust that amongst the other Bills foreshadowed but not specially mentioned in His Excellency's Address will be found one dealing with proportional representation, which, to my mind, is the proper and fair node of electing representatives of elective bodies. Whilst a member of the Legislature of the province of Ontario I gave this matter a great deal of consideration, and I can assure honourable gentlemen that if the Government does not intend to introduce such a Bill, I shall endeavour to bring the matter before the House in some form.

Another Bill which I trust is amongst those foreshadowed in the Speech from the Throne is one creating a Divorce Court for the Dominion of Canada. I do not know how far the Federal Government can go in enacting a law of that kind; but when we find at this session of Parliament, as we do, that we have one hundred and twenty divorce petitions to come before us, there is an object lesson we should heed, and by which we should profit. We must remember that in this country divorces are not only granted by this Parliament, but that there are courts in several of the provinces which have similar powers. All divorces are not granted on the same

ground; it therefore behooves the Dominion of Canada, if it wants to retain its position in so far as divorce is concerned, to have a common divorce law which will be properly administered by a court created for that purpose; otherwise we shall find ourselves in a position similar to that occupied by the United States, where, in some states, divorce has been made so easy that it has become a public scandal. We do not want anything of that kind to occur in Canada; and the only way that I can see of preventing it is by the Federal Parliament dealing with the question.

Honourable gentlemen will concur with me when I express satisfaction with the progress which has been made in completing this building, which has enabled us to use it this session. We all know that the committee have done everything possible to hasten the completion of the work. While there has been some delay, we know how difficult it is to secure satisfactory results, and if we go into the magnificent Chamber of the House of Commons we can readily understand it. I am sure I voice the opinion of this House when I express the hope that before next session the building and appointments will be complete, and that we shall then meet in a Chamber even better than that now occupied by the Commons.

Before concluding, I desire to call the attention of the House to the fact, which is well known to us all, that since we last met, the Prince of Wales concluded his visit to Canada and has returned to the Mother Country. His visit, which was a great success was, to a great extent, brought about, as has been well said, by the fact that from the day he landed at St. John he established a relation with the people as natural and intimate as exists in a happy household. There was no suggestion of official restraint or the compulsion of official machinery. His own bearing, of which he was unconscious, drew all classes to his side, and his own quality was his best passport to the affection of Canadians. Because he has been here the position of the Throne is more clearly understood, and its prestige greatly enhanced. No statesman could have interpreted the Monarchy as it has been interpreted by this modest, smiling, gracious, democratic young Prince, nor could he have done a service of higher or more enduring value to the British Commonwealth.

I desire to express my regret at the continued illness of our Prime Minister. He has had a hard siege of it. All Canadians, no matter what their political creed may

be, hope and trust that on his return to Canada he will be fully restored to health and able to resume the duties of his high and important office.

On motion of Hon. Mr. Chapais, the debate was adjourned.

The Senate adjourned until Tuesday, March 2, at 3 p.m.

THE SENATE.

Tuesday, March 2, 1920. The Senate met at 3 p.m., the Speaker in the Chair.

Pravers and routine proceedings.

THE DIVORCE BILL.

FIRST READING.

Bill A, an Act respecting Divorce.-Hon. Mr. Barnard.

BRITISH AMBASSADOR TO
WASHINGTON.

INQUIRY.

Hon. Mr. BOSTOCK inquired:

1. Has the Government any information as to the appointment of Sir Auckland Geddes, Minister of National Service and Reconstruction in the British Government, to the position of British Ambassador to Washington, as announced in the Canadian papers?

2. Has the Canadian Government been in any way consulted as to the appointment of Sir Auckland Geddes or any one else to this position?

3. Has the Canadian Government made any suggestion to the British Government in the matter of this appointment with which Canadian interests are so closely concerned?

Hon. Sir JAMES LOUGHEED: The answer to each question is No. The matter is exclusively within the authority of the Imperial Government, not of this Government.

THE GOVERNOR GENERAL'S SPEECH. ADDRESS IN REPLY.

The Senate resumed from Friday, February 27, consideration of the motion for an Address in reply to His Excellency Governor General's Speech at the opening of the session.

the

Hon. THOMAS CHAPAIS (translation): Honourable gentlemen, it is not without feelings of deep emotion that I rise at this time to address this House. Thirty-five years ago another, whose name I bear, was likewise a member of the Senate of Canada. When it pleased His Majesty's Government to call me in my turn to a place among you-which honour I regard as one

of the greatest of my entire career-I could not but carry, myself back over the long interval of years and conjure up a memory which has naturally always remained dear to me. But, without dwelling longer upon those memories and personal sentiments which are mine at this moment, I wish to add at once that to have been invited by the Government to represent in the Senate the district of Granville was for me a particularly interesting event, and such as to enhance the legitimate satisfaction that I experienced in being made the recipient of such a mark of distinction. It was in the district of Granville that I was born, and in that district I have had occasion to engage in more than one political battle, and I can assure you that I gave a hearty handshake to my excellent friend and old-time opponent, the Hon. Mr. Choquette, who was my predecessor in this House, when he informed me that he had resigned as representative of the district.

As I have mentioned the name of the Hon. Mr. Choquette, I say say that since my arrival here, I have been enabled to understand how my honourable friend figured as one of the most aggressive debaters of the Senate, where generally the atmosphere is so tranquil and undisturbed. I am not, however, surprised that he should have acquired such a reputation, because I have myself frequently had occasion to cross swords in the arena of political debate with Hon. Mr. Choquette. In justice, however, I desire to add that while combating with all the energy I possessed the opinions of the honourable gentleman and the principles of the party he represented I always found him to be intensely loyal to our institutions and embued with a great sincerity of conviction.

It was a task at once honourable and onerous for a new member to rise on such an occasion to address an assembly of men so thoroughly conversant with the politics of the country. Only a sense of the kindly forbearance and traditional courtesy of the Senate could have determined me to accept such an honour and responsibility.

I have no intention of inflicting upon you a long commentary on each of the paragraphs contained in the speech from the Throne. I will therefore, with your permission, confine myself to emphasizing certain passages, and to considering briefly a few of the general ideas suggested by it.

But,. first of all, I desire to join in the sentiment of rejoicing with which the speech of His Excellency hailed the return of the Canadian Parliament to the historic hill

on which rises, in the purity of its lines and the harmony of its proportions, this magnificent palace of legislation, which has sprung phoenix-like from the ashes of the one destroyed by fire only four years ago. This legislative palace of Canada is "the House" of the Canadian nation; and all the citizens of this great country may well be proud of its majestic beauty so worthy alike of our past and of our future. If I were to permit myself, honourable gentlemen, to indulge in personal reminiscences, I would recall the memories of half a century, and would summon before your vision the huge excavation wrought by the blasting, which, as a mere schoolboy, in 1866, I crossed by unsteady footbridges, that I might traverse the grounds where to-day there lie spread out before us those graceful terraces and that I might reach the splendid parliamentary edifice, where, as today, resounded the strokes of the workmen's hammers. Confederation was not yet an accomplished fact; but a year later, with the new régime was inaugurated that glorious parliamentary epoch which has bequathed to us the names of Macdonald and Cartier, of Brown, of Mackenzie, of Dorion, of Tupper, of Langevin, of Campbell, of Tilley, of Blake, of Chapleau, and finally of him who was the last of the band to disappear from among us, one of the most illustrious of that brilliant galaxy of eminent Canadians, Sir Wilfrid Laurier.

Passing from these reminiscences, I will direct your attention to that paragraph in the Speech from the Throne, which treats of the League of Nations, its constitution and functions. That institution, the offspring of the overwhelming cataclysm which shook the nations of the world and the fabric of society to their foundations, has provoked since its creation, as it did before, a vast amount of discussion, and excited criticisms of the most divergent kinds.

This conception of a body with a moderating and steadying influence, and possessing a general jurisdiction over a federation of powers, this idea of a great international council charged with the reconcilement of difficulties and differences arising between peoples, and the prevention of war among the nations, is not, indeed, the offspring of the genius of a Wilson, as is so commonly believed. It is an old idea in a new setting. The ancient Greek had a similar institution in what they named the Amphictyonic Council. In modern times Henry IV of France, in elaborating his "Grand Dessein," of which the historians have transmitted to us the details, made

provision for a tribunal of the same character, by which it was hoped to maintain the peace of Europe. There was thus a sort of League of Nations in anticipation. In these later days writers have published interesting studies upon the possibility, the opportunity, and the probable degree of efficacy of such an institution. What is to the credit of Mr. Wilson is that he gave concrete form to this idea in placing before the Council of the Allies a proposition being practically realized, and that he pursued its realization with all the obstinacy which is perhaps the characteristic trait of his personality.

What are we to expect from such a league? Is it to be the arch of an alliance, whose sovereign virtue will henceforth guarantee the world against a recurrence of those terrible experiences through which we have just passed? Or will it end in once more demonstrating the futility of human effort to establish the reign of peace and order on the earth? I will certainly not be so rash as to give a confident answer to such a question. But if asked what we might expect from such a league, I should be inclined to reply," Neither too much nor too little." In presence of this new in stitution, I am not disposed to be either excessively optimistic or stubbornly pessimistic, it is too soon, it seems to me, to prognosticate with assurance the outcome of this experiment. The chiefs of the great powers who deliberated at Versailles were willing at least to give it a trial. We cannot do better than follow their example, and, while hoping for the best, avoid illusory expectations on the one hand and equally baseless apprehensions on the other. When we study the constitution of this international political society, we are quite easily convinced that it does not possess any great active or rather, co-active power. But it will possess, perhaps, a real moral power, it is this characteristic which has been recently observed by a distinguished French writer, well known in this country, Mr. Eugène Duthoit, professor of political economy in the university of Lille. Such a moral power, capable of exercising a beneficent and effective influence in the affairs of the world, was seen long ago incarnated in an institution, impersonal and majestic, though without specific form, pact, or constitution. At the period of history to which I am referring there existed in Europe, as there does to-day, a diversity of states, possessing their several ambitious,