and the members of this Chamber, may have an opportunity of carefully considering and understanding what the policy of the Government is to be. Unfortunately, owing to the war, and owing to the necessities of the conditions in which we have found ourselves during the last few years, this system has not been adhered to as closely as it should have been in the interests of the country. The safeguards that our constitution gives us are such that they should be carefully adhered to. It is to be hoped that, from this time on, now that we are in a period of reconstruction and are, I might almost say, wholly rebuilding the affairs of the country, we will adhere more closely to the safeguards and checks which have been provided in the past to properly protect the interests of the people and to ensure fair play and justice throughout the country.

The Speech from the Throne refers to a Franchise Bill. The Liberal party has always maintained that it is very much more in the interests of the people that the lists should be made up by the local authorities in the various provinces. It is maintained that the men called upon to make up the lists in that way have a very much better knowledge of the people and the country, and are therefore able to compile the lists in very much better shape than men brought in from other parts of the country, and who are asked to deal with a situation of which they have possibly no local knowledge. In 1885, when the franchise was the subject of a great deal of discussion in this country, the Liberals objected to the proposal which was made to adopt a system of revising barristers. The system was adopted, and the Franchise Act which was passed at that time remained, and elections were held under it until 1896. Shortly after the Liberal party came into power in 1896 they reverted to a system of provincial and municipal lists, and elections were held under that system from that time until the Wartime Elections Act of 1917 was passed. I do not think that the changes that were made in 1917 would be of advantage to the country at the present time; and I hope, when the Franchise Bill comes before us with all its terms and conditions, we shall find that the Government has gone back to the system which prevailed prior to 1917.

was

time to time. Towards the end of the session of 1919 the Government brought down to this House a Bill establishing a Board of Commerce. That board has been operating for some time. Honourable gentlemen will remember that when the Bill establishing that board was brought down to the House exception was taken to it on the ground that we had not had time to consider the importance of such a measure at such a late date in the session. We did not have an opportunity of fully considering the details and understanding the powers that were given to the commissioners. I think the criticism we hear of the action of the board, and of the Government in establishing the board, show that the hurried passing of such legislation is not wise. The other day the board acted in a way which, on the face of it, seemed very extraordinary. The announcement made in the papers that from a certain day the board would cease to control the price of sugar. The statement was made in the press that the board consider that they had saved the country $100,000 a day for the period during which they had been controlling the price of sugar; yet, in spite of that, the Government allowed them to rescind the order. It was made to appear that this action was taken because they had been subjected to criticism which they apparently did not think was fair. If the board was doing its duty to the country and was saving the public the amount of money it has been represented that they were saving, it is most extraordinary that the Government should allow them to act as they did. What they did appeared to be the act of a child who did not appreciate his duties or responsibilities to the country. They did not seem to realize that the members of a board of this nature must expect to be criticised, and that their only defence would be a justification of the action they had taken, and to show the country that what they were doing was in the best interests of the people. To-day they occupy the position of having thrown up their hands and told the country that because they have been criticised, they are not prepared to go on and do their duty towards the people in controlling the price of sugar in the country. I think we should have an explanation from the Government in regard to this matter. Sugar is one of those things that touches very closely the pockets of the people, and enters into their lives almost more than any other article of food that they use. I think the Govern

ment should step in and take some very drastic action, and point out to the commissioners their duty to the country.

It was with very great regret that members of this House heard a short time ago of the illness of Sir Robert Borden. We all realize the tremendous amount of work which was cast upon his shoulders during the years of the war and during the period since the Armistice. He has done a great work for this country, and we realize that, if his health is in the condition in which it is reported to be at the present time, complete rest and change are absolutely necessary. We regret that he is not able to be here to attend to his parliamentary duties. At the same time, it is a very serious matter for the country to have the Prime Minister absent from his duties at a time like the present, when the conditions of the country require that a policy should be laid down, a policy which may take several years to work out, and which will necessitate great thought and experience. The Prime Minister is the member of the Government who is responsible for advis ing His Excellency the Governor General on the general policy of the Administration, and, as far as I know, no other minister is qualified to occupy that position. As the matter stands to-day, Sir Robert Borden is out of the country, and no one has been appointed to take his place. I hope that it will not be long before we get back to the proper constitutional methods of managing the affairs of this country.

Hon. Sir JAMES LOUGHEED: Honourable gentlemen,. I join with my honourable friend in the remarks which he has so fitly made with reference to our re-occupation of the Parliament Buildings. It is a matter of very great satisfaction to meet at this session within these walls. It is of course to be regretted that the building is not yet complete, but when we look back to the four short years that have elapsed since the tragic fire of February, 1916, we are indeed amazed at the rapidity with which the work of construction has proceeded. I doubt if there is in the world a finer legislative structure than that which we occupy to-day. The architect, Mr. John Pearson, informs me that, while there may be parliament buildings more expensive or of more massive proportions, we in Canada to-day possess a pile of buildings which for all the requirements of parliament, for nodern equipment and convenience are probably superior to any others. We may congratulate ourselves that the material,

the workmanship and the art which have been incorporated into these buildings are almost exclusively Canadian, and I think a tribute is due the architects, the builders and others who have been responsible for bringing this magnificent structure to the stage which it has reached.

It was very gracious of His Majesty the King to cable his felicitations to the assembled Parliament upon our meeting in these buildings on the 26th of last month. As my honourable friend (Hon. Mr. Bostock) has pointed out, members of the Royal family of England have been peculiarly associated with these buildings since a time prior to Confederation. The site was selected by Her late Majesty Queen Victoria. The late King Edward VII, when Prince of Wales, laid the corner stone of the former edifice. The corner stone of this building was laid, as we all happily remember, by His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught; and the corner stone of the tower was laid within a very recent period by His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. So it was fitting indeed that we should receive at this auspicious time the cablegram which was sent by His Majesty, and our appreciation will, I hope, be expressed by a motion which I purpose introducing on this subject.

May I also join my honourable friend in extending congratulations to the mover and seconder of the Address. We may congratulate ourselves, as well as them, upon

their accession to the Senate. Both these honourable gentlemen have had considerable experience in deliberative assemblies. My honourable friend who moved the Address (Hon. Mr. Proudfoot) was for a number of years identified with the Ontario Legislature as leader of the Opposition; and my honourable friend, who seconded the Address (Hon. Mr. Chapais) has long been a distinguished member of the Legislative Council of the Province of Quebec, and, I understand, continues to be associated with that Council. Their knowledge and experience in matters of legislation will be of great service in our various deliberations, and will be appreciated by this body. I hope they may long be spared to adorn the Senate by the services they will render to the country in this chamber.

My honourable friend who seconded the Address made some allusion to his predecessor (Hon. Mr. Choquette). We all have a very pleasant memory of that gentleman's presence in this Chamber. I had a letter from him a few days ago expressing regret at his parting company with the

honourable friend (Hon. Mr. Bostock) has criticized the Government; and we know it has been freely criticized throughout the country and in the press. I think it was Lloyd George who very tritely said a Union Government has no friends: it lacks the party affiliations which go to create an esprit de corps, and the sympathy and support which party governments invariably rec ive.

This Government has been a little over two years in office and in that time has been called upon to assume and discharge public duties and obligations beyond all expectation. I do not purpose to attempt to enumerate its many achievements. Suffice it to say, that in no case has the Government failed to rise equal to the unprecedented difficulties and problems it has been called upon to face. The burden of carrying on the war was cast upon its shoulders; which in itself was incomparably beyond the obligation cast upon any former government. This was coupled with even more difficult problems, namely, the demobilization of nearly half a million men, their transportation from the battlefields of Europe across the Atlantic ocean, and then, after reaching the shores of Canada, the transportation of almost half of them across this continent. This in itself is an achieve-' ment of which any government might well boast.

Demobilization involved not only the return of our forces and a large proportion of their dependents, but the even more difficult problems of making provision for the hospitalization and the care and treatment of the disabled, the establishment of an adequate pension system, and the devising of schemes for assisting the disabled, as well as other classes, in again becoming self-supporting and able to contribute to the volume of our industrial production. The assimilation of this number of men in a population as small as we have in Canada was a problem that in the press and on the platform was heralded far and wide as almost insoluble; and yet we may felicitate ourselves that in about twelve months we have not only successfully carried out the transportation of our troops from Europe to our own country, but that we have established more successfully than any of our Allies schemes and systems which have to do with re-establishing our troops in civil life and again placing them on the footing of citizenship. Not only in these great problems, namely, the carrying on of Canada's part in the war, the demobilization of our troops and the absorbing of them in

civil life, but in the financing of the war to the extent of nearly two billions of dollars has this Government proved equal to the obligation with which it was charged.

The financing of Canada's part in the war within our own boundaries was an undertaking in itself which at one time we thought impossible. The success of the last loan, which we floated in Canada a few months ago, and of which nearly seven hundred million was subscribed, stands to-day as the greatest tribute to Canada's patriotism, prosperity and resourcefulness. Moreover, it bespeaks the confidence of the people of Canada in the Government that placed the loan on the market and is charged with administering its expenditure.

The Government has been equal to the many other problems brought about by the war. It has dealt, probably more successfully than any of our Allies have done, with the many abstruse problems of labour and the dangerous unrest which during the last two years has found expression in our large centres. We can say with confidence that Canada to-day in its freedom from unrest and labour difficulties, is far in advance of either the United States or Great Britain.

The Government has been attacked in the country and in the press for not having done anything. I have read criticism after criticism; I have read denunciation after denunciation by the opponents of the Government; but I have yet to learn of any concrete charge brought against it by reason of its inability to grapple with any problem with which it has been faced; and I challenge any of my hon. friends opposite to point to a concrete instance in which the Government has failed to rise to the occasion. My hon. friend the leader of the Opposition has referred to the failure of the Board of Commerce to carry out a certain order which it at one time made. The fixing of prices is one of the most difficult problems that the Government has been called upon to face. It practically means the setting at defiance of the economic laws. Not only here, but in the United States and Great Britain, tribunals have been appointed to grapple with this question; and I venture to say that what has been done here will bear investigation, will reflect credit upon the board, and will establish the fact that the Government made no mistake in creating the board.

Canadian trade is improving and growing by leaps and bounds, notwithstanding the almost insurmountable difficulties that we have been called upon to face. The present fiscal year will find our exports and imports

increased far beyond those of any period in the past. and likewise beyond our expectation. Our revenues are not only buoyant, but are mounting up to a volume that will dispel all doubt as to our ability to meet our obligations.

This is not the time to enter upon a review of the many domestic or internal questions with which the Government has been charged, and not growing out of the war. Suffice it to say, that in themselves, they formed a sufficiently large volume of responsibility to command the serious attention of a government. When I refer to these matters I have in view problems which this Government inherited from its predecessors, and which for some years to come must necessarily go to make up the serious side of government in Canada. When we think of the public business of Canada ten years ago, in comparison with that of to-day, we are almost overwhelmed at the growth and momentous importance of the questions that to-day demand our attention.

The great questions that face us at the present moment are the questions of trade and revenue. Our public debt, since the beginning of the war, has mounted up from three hundred and fifty millions of dollars to some two billions. The ability of Canada to meet her financial obligations will be the supreme test of our success or failure. This obligation, for years to come, must necessarily be the incentive and the impetus of the Government in Canada.

Growing out of this directly must spring up the development of our national resources, and likewise of our trade; the opening up of new markets and the growth, more particularly in manufacturing than in any other direction, of industrial activities. The very life and being and growth of Canada will be in proportion to the development of our industrial enterprises. If Canada is to carry lightly the burdens placed upon her shoulders, increased production in manufactures must be her aim for years to come. Nature has bountifully furnished us with agricultural possibilities superior to those possessed by almost any other people-soil, climate, products and markets are the heritage of the Canadian people; but in manufactures we face a battle that calls for all the fighting spirit and human energy of the Canadian people, if we are to build up great centres and marts of commerce throughout the Dominion. In this field, we have to compete with the industrial life not only of this continent but with that of the entire world.

In failing to carry on this fight successfully we shall fail in our national destiny. Canada's destiny is wrapped up in this problem. It is the Open Sesame" to success and national importance. Upon the position that Canada's manufactures take in the great manufacturing nations of the world will depend the position accorded us in the galaxy of progressive nations. In my judgment, the great task before this Government or any successor which it may have, is the establishment on a rock foundation, so that it will stand foursquare to all opposing elements, of a policy that will wrest from primeval nature those resources with which the Creator has most bountifully enriched us, and convert them into the finished product for the use of man, and increased wealth and revenue to Canada.

It goes without saying that this desideratum can only be brought about by the adoption and continuance of a fiscal policy that will afford opportunity for the growth and expansion of our national industries. This, for the last forty years, has been the policy of the Canadian people. Since its adoption it has withstood the attacks and shocks of all who would pull it down or destroy it. There have been times when those who most viciously attacked this policy were placed in the position of arbiters to decide whether it should be destroyed or continued. When faced with the duty of deciding whether their former professions of antagonism should be acted upon, they realized, notwithstanding their former opposition and professions, that this national policy was something more than a shibboleth, that it was woven into the warp and woof of our national life, and that its continuance was imperative for the good anʼl the growth of the nation.

During the years of war-tragedy through which Canada has passed, this Government has stood firmly by the helm. The ship of State has been piloted through the turbulent waters of stress and storm, until teday Canada looks forward with hope to the voyage of prosperity upon which she is about to enter. The Government claims credit for the work which has been done, for overcoming the almost insurmountable difficulties that confronted it, and for the confidence which it has displayed in continuing the work on which it has entered.

The times call for stability of national purpose; for a policy and an administration upon which the country can rely; for a resistance to those movements based on the unrest and visionary systems which make