With and still fewer changes for a Sovereign People to desire: there are the rights of property certainly to protect, but then as yet there is hardly any one to attack them. The war between those who have and those who have not cannot rage in America while the Western prairies remain untilled. another European difficulty, whether the the relation of the whole Republie to the dif American system of publicity might not pre-ferent States is so clearly defined and so firmvent our Foreign Minister from having to con- ly established, that there is left hardly any fess, that we have "drifted into war.” At any margin of uncertainty in which to dispute. If rate, we cannot too strongly insist on the ex- the legislature of New York be Whig, it as pediency of the most thorough publicity in all serts its independence as unflinchingly as it our dealings with America. Every conceal- would, if it were Democrat; and, on the ment on our part excites their suspicion, and other hand, a Democrat majority of Congives a color to the absurd calumnies and ca- gress would be equally jealous of its privinards of the Anti-English agitators. If our leges. There certainly is a vague tendency Government act unfairly towards America, by to Conservatism in the one party, and to inall means let us know what it is doing, in or- novation in the other; the desire for centralder that we may repudiate or dismiss it; on ization or for a strong Government tending to the other hand, if its conduct be fair and just, the former, the ardor for independence to the let the fairness and justice of the American latter. But for the collision of these two people have the opportunity of a response. principles of Conservatism and Innovation, In one respect, such response would be more there is but little scope in the States. probable in future than it has been of late. a constitution not seventy years old, with Hitherto, our bitterest enemies in the States Universal Suffrage, and with no privileghave been the Irish immigrants. The peasant ed order, there are few institutions to censure, flying from starvation takes with him his hatred of the Saxon-the inheritance of generations of oppression and neglect; the unsuccessful rebel tries to revenge himself for his defeat by slanders of both the English people and their Government. But there is another quality which the Irish have taken with them-that lawlessness, or rather that Politicians therefore in America find themfacility of organization for disorder, which selves at fault for work. There is not, as with in former ages has tempted and enabled us, on the one hand a power-possessing class us to misgovern them, and which even who strive to keep their position, and on the now makes their good government so diffi- other hand a power-seeking class, who seek to cult. Their experience of what the Celt share this position with them, or to drive is in America, is quickly making the Ameri- them from it. There is little for Government cans sympathize rather with the Saxon, and to do, and therefore little for the aspirants to has been the chief incitement to the new Government to aim at, except to preserve ormovement which is now sweeping throughout der, and even that the people not seldom prethe Union. Although our object is to discov-fer to do in a somewhat peculiar fashion for er the foreign policy rather than to discuss themselves. To this rule, however, there are the internal politics of the Republic, yet this two great exceptions: there is a foreign policy new "Know Nothing "* party is so likely to to conduct, and there is the slavery problem affect the former, that we must dwell briefly to solve. But since the wars with England on its origin and meaning. and France, the States have been too powerFew persons will have studied the progress ful to attack; their position, and the wise of politics on the other side of the Atlantic, counsels of their founders, have alike prewithout experiencing a difficulty in distinguish- served them from European entanglement; ing the principles of the different parties. At and therefore until recently, when the aggres the time the Constitution was framed, and sive desires which we are now considering while the institutions of the Republic were began to develop themselves to conduct their still developing themselves, the two great divi- diplomacy has been no hard task. Not so the sions of Whigs and Democrats had a purpose slave question; to answer that is hard enough, and a use. In order to get the States to unite, -so hard, that, with the exception of the it was necessary that there should be Demo- slaveholders who deny the right to ask it, alcrats to vindicate State rights and independ-most every one conspires to shirk it, and to ence in order that the Union should be vote the few Abolitionists who persist in raisstrong, the Whigs or Federalists were needed ing it, a nuisance. While, however, the obto contend for centralization. Now, however, *Whence this strange designation," Know Nothing," we have been unable to discover: as the society is secret, it may have arisen from its members meeting questions respecting its proceedings or management with "I know nothing." The name by which they call themselves is, we believe, "The Order of the United Americans." jects of politicians are thus limited, not so is their number. The political faculty, like all other faculties, hungers after exercise; but while the hunger is great and prevalent, the substantial food is scanty or forbidden. Hence all maner of garbage is eagerly sought for, or, in other words, parties cease to be the embod 39 iment of principles, and becomes schemes for plots which, by manoeuvring the Irish voters, the attainment of personal or sectional ob- the Roman-catholics have been able to frame jects. Hence the degeneration of the Amer- The greatest advantage however of a Demoican statesmen, and the abdication by their cracy is, that when an evil becomes evident best citizens a fact so evident and lament- to popular opinion, it tends to bring about its able, of the duties of citizenship. The one own cure. The decision of some important task which the wise ought to undertake is ta- and sharply-contested elections, by means of booed from them by their fears or prejudices. foreign votes, has alarmed the native-born Other subjects they will not touch, because citizens; and the Celts who crossed the Atthey are too trivial to be worth the sacrifice lantic because they could not get Ireland for of associating or conflicting with the crowd. the Irish, find their ears deafened with the Thus the two great parties become shatter- cry of "America for the Americans." The ed into an endless number of sects, the slang vaunts by the Catholics of their progress, the names of which evidence the little importance exercise of priestly power, so repugnant to of their professed purpose. Their real object, republican usages; such, for instance, as Carhowever, is to them important enough, though dinal Bellini forcing school children to kneel worse than worthless to the Commonwealth, before him,*—and the exceptional glut of the viz., the attainment by a clique of the power labor market this year in the seaboard cities, and emoluments of office. It would puzzle consequent on the commercial depression, any one to learn how the efforts of Hard- have all given food to the new agitation. shells or Softshells, Hunkers or Barnburners We know not to which of the leaders of or Locofocos, can accomplish anything except this agitation the idea of a secret society the inauguration of some Pierce as President, suggested itself. Perhaps it was borrowed with his Tail as office-holders. from the Jesuitism against which it contends; The scandal and inconvenience of a change, and there may be some pretext for it in the at the accession of a new President, of all the excuse alleged by the "Know Nothing administrations of the Republic, from the se- Lodges in their manifesto,† that without secrecy cretary of foreign affairs or the minister in in its early formation no young independent London, to the lowest clerk in the village party, with independent objects, can survive post-office, must continue so long as office re- the attacks and allurements of the old parties mains the object of politics, and therefore pa- with their selfish objects. Nevertheless, we tronage the means of power. But if the ob- believe that there is something in the nature jects aimed at be low, so also will be the means of a Democracy which gives an especial atof obtaining them: and slander, drunkenness, traction to secret societies. There is in them and demagogism are the fit and necessary in- an appearance of exclusiveness, an imitation struments of those who seek power for its own of an aristocracy, which is alluring. However sake-not for their country's good. No won- this may be, the success of this movement, der that many of the best men in the Union, though now apparently on the wane, has been of the sensitive and of the sober-minded, shrink wonderful. When Mr. Robertson was in Amerfrom such contamination. Not so the immi- ica, little more than a year ago, the "Know grants. To the German, flying from despot- Nothings were only just heard of; their ism and the deprivation of all political rights, Lodges now profess to number many hundreds the exercise of these rights is in itself a plea- of thousands of voters; through every State sure and a temptation, irrespective of results; they are contesting and, until lately in Virand to the Irishman it is still more delightful ginia, generally carrying the elections, whether to find scope for the faculties which have been for Congress, State Legislatures, or Governortrained by Ribbon conspiracies and Repeal ships; and if they can agree upon a candidate agitations. Utterly inexperienced in the per- for the Presidency, there is a strong probabilformance of the duties of citizens, or taught ity that they will secure his election. So to transgress them, the German or the Irish speedy and overpowering a success would voters must, at the best, be at the disposal of have been impossible without some real printhe most skilful flatterers: worse, however, ciple were involved; and, indeed, there is a than this, not only are they careless of the principle asserted by this new party, than interests of the Commonwealth, and therefore which none can be more important, viz., accessible to any intrigue, but they very the principle of Nationality. The Americans speedily acquire special aims of their own, are still so English, that as Englishmen we and therefore force the intriguers to bid for cannot but rejoice over this assertion of their support. Thus the German farmers in American feeling; and as Protestants, it is Western Pennsylvania have entailed the dis-pleasant for us to mark a manifestation of grace and loss of repudiation upon the mer- Protestantism. Nevertheless, there are two chants of Philadelphia; and the system of Common School Education, the keystone of the social fabric, has been endangered by the *Everest's "Journey," p. 141. - evils incident to the movement, to which we equalled in England by Reynolds' "Mysteries cannot but allude. The secrecy in its organ- of the Court." The effect of this teaching is ization may have been expedient in the forma- evident enough in the style and temper of the tion of the society, and it may be congenial correspondence which is inserted bath in prose to the character of the people; but surely it and verse. It is most sad to see America thus is repugnant to the idea of a Republic, where entering upon that course of polemical conevery citizen ought to be responsible to his flict which has been the curse of Ireland and fellows for the fulfilment of his citizenship. England also. Our experience, instead of Nor can we believe that the despotic government to which every secret society must be submitted, and which we understand is in this case most stringent, will long be submitted to by men so unused to dictation. Already we see symptoms of growing insubordination; the Lodge members will not always vote as they are ordered; and the sympathy of those outside supports them against the threats and opprobrium of their fellow-members. being a warning, appears to excite them to emulation, and the result will be the same: the cause of Romanism will be aided, not injured. Believing, as we do most firmly, that from the influence of the Romish Church there follows, and always must follow social degradation and national subservience, we mourn over this spirit of persecution, not only because it is an imitation, but because it will be an aggravation of Romanism. The secrecy, however, may be got rid of; The fear of priestly power in the States, not so, we fear, the religious intolerance which though, perhaps not unnatural, is unreasonaseems to be inseparable from the principles ble. The Roman Catholics are indeed absoof the movement. In the manifesto, above lutely increasing, because of the foreign immialluded to, this intolerance is indeed denied; grations; but they are relatively diminishing nevertheless, there is abundant proof of its by the conversion of many of the immigrants. actual, not to say virulent, activity. By the The Irish as they improve in circumstances second article of the Constitution of the Order, notoriously cease, either themselves or their each member "must be a Protestant, born of children, to be Catholics. Archbishop MacProtestant parents, reared under Protestant Hale preaches in Connaught against the exoinfluence," and if united to a Roman-catholic dus, because of what he calls its irreligious efwife, "he is not eligible to any office." The fect; and, according to the statistics of Mr. third Article defines the object of this organ- Mullen, an American priest, the number of ization" to be "to resist the insidious policy Roman Catholics in the States is hardly two of the Church of Rome, and other Foreign millions, instead of being, as by natural ininfluence, against the institution of our coun- crease it should have been, about four miltry, by placing in all Offices in the gift of the lions. The faith which "Protestant ascenpeople, or by appointment, none but Native dency" and territorial tyranny had wound Born Protestant citizens."* The oaths are round the Celtic heart, becomes loosened by most solemn, every "Know Nothing" binds the possession of republican equality: let the himself, therefore, to exclude a large number Protestants of America enact the penal laws of his fellow-citizens from all share in the of Ireland, or exhibit its Orangeism, and they administration—the exclusion from all share will quickly restore to the priests their influin the government, that is, the deprivation of ence. Persecution is a game by which Rothe franchise, will be the natural consequence. manism is sure to gain. It would be well, however, if political disabilities were all that were aimed at. We have by us many numbers of the "Know Nothing, or American Crusader," a Boston paper, which professes to be the most influential organ of the Order, and which boasts of its 400,000 readers. We defy Ireland to produce such a paper; it is the most rabid Orangeism served up with American slang; and even "The Tablet" is no more intolerant, while it is far less vulgar. It is full of exhortations to exclude all Catholics from companionship, and all Irish from employment; and this farrago of fanaticism and selfishness is made attractive by tales describing the abominations of celibacy, with a pruriency which can only be Returning, however, to our subject,-viz., the Foreign Policy of the Republic, the influence upon it of this new agitation seems to us likely to be beneficial. Both the two great principles of the "Know Nothings," or, as they call themselves, the American party, are antagonistic to annexation, or rather, to such annexation as has lately been in agitation. Their feeling of nationality, including as it does a pride of race, indisposes them to admit Mexicans or Spaniards, or Indians, as fellow-citizens: their Protestantism makes them averse to form States out of Cuba or Mexico, the representation of which in Congress would pro * Everest's "Journey," p. 35. By the last Census (1850), the "Church accommodation" for Roman-catholics is only for 675,721-not one-sixth See extracts from the Formulary of the Grand of the accommodation for the Methodists, nor oneCouncil of the order, in "The Pensylvanian news-twentieth of that for all the sects combined.-See paper," September 27, 1854. De Bow's "Census," p. 137. FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES. bably be Romanist. Moreover, both the as-dred and fifty thousand slaveholders have far sertion of nationality, and the destruction of more voice in the government of the twentythe old factious parties and personal coteries, three or twenty-six million inhabitants of the is an advantage. It is easier to deal with a United States, than have the landed aristocnation than with a clique; doubtless it is the racy in that of England. In the South, though more necessary for us to treat the former with even there but a small minority, they secure due respect and consideration, above all, almost all the other whites, by holding out to with straightforward openness. But if we do each one of them the chance of possessing huso, we have a right to expect that it will show man property, and by ensuring to them the respect to itself. Mr. Soulé's French birth luxury of oppressing a black man, even if too would of course place him under the ban of poor to own him. By appealing to the castethe Order; but even had he been a native feeling, they enlist the prejudices, and by the American, we should have been surprised if a work which they set their slaves to do, they "Know Nothing" President had given him an involve the interests, of both North and South office, and we shall also be surprised if a on their side; and by the compactness of their "Know Nothing" Adininistration does not party-organization and the singleness of their keep down the filibusterers with a much object, they hold the balance between, and stronger hand than does the present one. The therefore the rule over, every other party in mission of this party, however, will be speedily the Union. Every year, however, this proaccomplished; both the foreign and the popish dominance is becoming more difficult to preelements of the population will be restrained serve. within their legitimate limits, and all attempts The public opinion of the world is having to go further will be resisted by the sound its influence upon the North if not upon the sense and good feeling of the country. As South; the Slaves themselves, in spite of eve-. soon as it has done its work, like the parties it ry effort to keep them back, are becoming replaces, it will become a mere name; and its more enlightened, and therefore more diffisole difference from them will be, that if its se-cult to keep down; even the difference in crecy lasts, it will become a still greater nui- race and color-the great bulwark of slavery, sance. Again, there will remain in reality is gradually breaking down: already the only two political parties in the Republic, the two races are amalgamating; in 1850 there were above four hundred thousand mulatFree Party and the Slave Power. This subject of American slavery is so sor-toes* in the Union, and the ratio of their rowful and wearisome, the Americans are so increase must of course become every year resensitive at its mere mention by an English-latively greater. Hardly a week elapses withman, that we had hoped to avoid its discussion out proof given in Southern papers of the inin this paper; but it is impossible: it recurs creasing number of "white slaves;" and those at every step of every argument, it enters into who watch the cases of the fugitives, will find the consideration of every contingency. The how difficult it is for the whites to keep as. foreign policy of every nation is after all de- slaves their own children. Still, as the doom pendent on its internal policy, and with every of the system draws near, the efforts of its act of the Republic, slavery is involved. How advocates to maintain and even to extend it can it be otherwise? More than three mil- become more desperate. For a time, this deslion of native Americans are held as slaves; peration may appear to succeed, but every efthat is, are treated as though they were brutes, fort increases the power of their opponents. by three hundred and fifty thousand of their The Fugitive Slave Law made many Abofellow-countrymen.* These slaves are increas-litionists; the Nebraska Act many more; the ing with fearful rapidity; in thirty years, at Missourian invasion of Kansas, even if it suc the rate of increase for the last ten years, there ceeds in adding one to the Slaves, will there will be above six million of them. The pro- by inflict far greater loss on the Slave-powe gress of civilization and the conscience of man- in the Free States. The South at first greed kind are against the slaveholders, and they know it, and therefore they are desperate. *See De Bow's " Census," p. 83. Of these ma Here at least is a party which has an object,lattoes about 250,000 are slaves. In the same st viz., the preservation of the privileges and of tistics we find that one-fourth of the slaves are of the property of its members. Hence that en-mixed blood in the district of Columbia, for the inof purpose and constancy of action which make up for the badness of their cause and the fewness of their numbers. These three hun ergy According to the last Census (1850), the exact number of the slaveholders is 347,525, one-fifth of whom each own a single slave, nearly one-half less | than five slaves, and less than eighty thousand more than fifty slaves.-See De Bow's "Census," p. 95. stitutions of which, inasmuch as it is governed by Federal Congress, the Free States are responsible. We commend this fact to the notice of Mr. Baxter, who states (p. 173 of his work) that "slavery was abolished some time ago in this district." Seeing that the emancipation of these Federal Slaves is notoriously one of the chief aims of the Abolitionists, the ignorance evinced by this mistake makes Mr. Baxter's criticisms of their conduct of very little value. 4 FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES. ily seized hold of this "Know Nothing" agi- Amid, however, all the fearful uncertainties of tation, in the hope that it might divert the this question, of one fact we have little doubt. North from the advocacy of freedom. Spite, There can be no interference by America in however, of the efforts of many of its leaders European affairs until the slavery problem be to shirk or postpone the Slavery question, al-solved; even if the Slave-party had the will ready the American party is divided upon it. to fight for European freedom, which it has not, In the South, they are of course pro-slavery however loud its professions, neither the Slave men; in the North, the "Know Nothing" nor the Free Party have the power. All the lodges of New Hampshire, - Pierce's own energies of both will be absorbed in their muState, have lately recorded their unanimous tual conflict, and all the strength of the Comdisapproval of the Nebraska Act; and Wil-monwealth will be needed to prevent this conson, the "Know Nothing" Senator of Massa-flict from causing it disruption. There may chusett's, has declared, in his place in the be, there will be, an alliance between the GovCapitol, what Slavery has to expect from the ernments of Great Britain and of the United North, with a confidence of power which cow- States; our mutual interests and relationship ed into civility even the hot-headed Southern will prevent a rupture; but there will be no ers. The North is freeing itself, and the entente cordiale. South knows it. The foreign policy of the America has a Russia within her borders? How can there be while South therefore is to indemnify the Slave- Let that American Russia be freed, and then power against the loss of Northern support; we shall indeed have an "Anglo-American Alto this object alone does the South confine it-liance," more powerful and beneficial than self, and every year will the foreign policy of | Kossuth has ever dreamt of; then may we the North be more and more restricted to a counter-action of these efforts of the South. By the last intelligence from the States, we find chat the Massachusetts Legislature, elected under "Know Nothsng" influence, has passed an act aullifying the Fugitive Slave Law. The defeat of the "Know Nothings" in Virginia of the not unnatural Southern suspicion of the an evidence Order. trust that the sympathy in action and in feeling of the two members of the Anglo-Saxon tion of the earth, will be but a prelude to the family, possessing as they will so large a pormeeting of the nations "In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the World." SALUTATION CUSTOMS.-In the Retrospective Review, I find the following: The proud and pompous Constable of Castile, on his visit to the English Court soon after the accession of James I., was right well pleased to bestow a kiss on Anne of Denmark's lovely maids of honor," according to the custom of the country, and any neglect of which is taken as an affront."... We should like to know when this passing strange custom died away-a question we will beg to hand over to our friend " N. & Q." In Hone's Year Book, col. 1087, this custom is also noticed by a correspondent as follows: Another specimen of our ancient manners is seen in the French embrace. The gentleman, and others of the male sex, lay hands on the shoulders, and touch the side of each other's cheek; but on being introduced to a lady, they say to her father, brother, or friend, Permettezmoi, and salute each of her cheeks was not this custom in England in Elizabeth's And reign? Let us read one of the epistles of the learned Erasmus, which being translated, is in part as follows: "... Although, Faustus, if you knew the Query of the editor of the Retrospective Review as |