point of all is the making of a railway and call it even Asiatic, if you will-w we roads to connect the interior with the ports on the coast. The Serayevo-Mortar line is absolutely a necessity." "I am quite of your opinion," answers Baron Kállay, “ma i danari, all cannot be done in a day. We have but just completed the Brod-Serayevo line, which takes passengers in a day from Vienna to the centre of Bosnia. It is one of the first boons conferred by the occupation, and its consequences will be almost measureless." are compelled to be acquainted with all the languages of Western Europe. Our institutions, our educational systems, belong to the Western world. At the same time, by some mysterious connection with our blood, Eastern dialects are very easily accessible and comprehensible to us. I have over and over again remarked that I can grasp much more clearly the meaning of an Eastern manuscript or document by translating it into Magyar, than if I read a German or English translation of it." The Ring, and how this splendid boulevard has been made, is certainly a question worthy of an economist's inquiries. What changes since 1846! At that period, from the heights of the old ramparts that had sustained the famous siege of 1683, one could obtain a panorama of I refer to a speech he has recently pronounced at the Academy of Pesth. In it he develops his favorite subject, the great mission Hungary is destined to fulfil in the future; being connected with the East through the Magyars and with the West through her ideas and institutions, she must be a link betwern the Eastern and the entire city, with its extensive fauWestern worlds. This theory provoked a complete overflow of attacks against Magyar pride from all the German and Slav papers. "These Hungarians,” they said, "imagine themselves to be the cen tre of the universe, and their Hungaria the entire world, Ungarischer Globus. Let them return to their steppes, these Asiatics, these Tartars, these first cousins of the Turks." In the midst of all this vehemence, I am reminded of a little quotation from a book of Count Zays, which most accurately paints the ardent patriotism of the Hungarians, at once their honor and strength, but which develops a spirit of domination and makes them detested by other races. The quotation is as follows: "The Magyar loves his country and his nationality better than humanity, better than liberty, better than himself, better even than God and his eternal sal vation." Kállay's high intelligence prevents his falling into this exaggerated Chauvinism. "No one understood me," he says, "and no one chose to understand. I was not talking politics. I had no desire to do so in our Academy at a scientific and literary meeting. I simply announced an undeniable fact. Situated at the point of junction of a series of different races and for the very reason that we speak a non-Indo-Germanic idiom these impoverished cities, beggars have taken up their abode in the ancient palaces of the princes of commerce, and the lion of St Mark overlooks these buildings fall ing into ruins. This coast, which has the misfortune to adjoin a Turkish province, will never regain its former position until good roads and railways have been constructed between its splendid ports and the fertile inland territory, whose productiveness is at present essentially hampered by the vilest imaginable_administration.' (La Prusse et l'Autriche depuis Sadowa, ii., p. 151. 1868) bourgs separated from the centre by a dusty esplanade where the Hungarian regiments, with their tight blue trousers, drilled every evening. The Volksgarten, where Strauss played his waltzes, and the Grecian temple with Canova's statue, have been left intact; but a boulevard twice as wide as those in Paris runs along the entire length; ample space has been reserved for the erection of public monuments and the remainder of the land sold at enormous prices. The State and the town have constructed public edifices vying with each other in magnificence; two splendid theatres, a town hall, which will certainly cost fifty million francs; a palace for the University, two museums, and a House of Parliament for the Reichsrath. All around the Ring, in addition to the buildings just mentioned, are archdukes' palaces, immense hotels, and pri vate residences, which, from their grand proportions and the richness of their decorations, are monuments themselves. I know of nothing comparable to the Ring in any other capital. Where did Austria find the necessary funds for all these constructions? The State and the town made a most successful speculation: the price paid to them for the ground on the espla nade almost covered all their expenses, but the purchasers of that ground and the constructions placed upon it — who paid for all that? The hundreds of millions of francs represented by this land and by the public buildings and private dwellings on it, all that must spring from the savings of the country. This affords a clear proof that in spite of the unfortunate wars, the loss of Venetian Lombardy and the Krach of 1873, in spite also of home difficulties and the persistent deficit, continuing from year to year, Austria has become much wealthier. The State is a beggar, but the nation has accumulated capital which expends itself in all these splendors of the Ring. As on the banks of the Rhine, all this is due to machinery. As man can with his new and powerful tools procure nourishment and clothing for a less sum, he can devote a larger portion of his revenue and labor to his board, his pleasures, to art and various institutions. All that I succeeded in ascertaining in Vienna with respect to the present situation of Bosnia served to confirm the views I already entertained as to that country. The interests of civilization, and especially those of the southern Slavs, command our approval of this occupation. We arrive at this conclusion by an argument which appears to me irrefutable. Was it, yes or no, of importance that Bosnia should be freed from the Turkish yoke? No friend of humanity in general and of the Slavs can answer this question otherwise | than in the affirmative. Who then is to carry out this freedom? Russia is not to be thought of. The forming of Bosnia into an independent State would be still worse, for it would be simply delivering up the rayas without the slightest defence to the Mussulman begs. The most tempt ing plan seemed to be to unite it to Servia, but in that case Bosnia would have been separated from its neighbor Dalma. tia, and the Servian government would have been compelled to undertake the difficult task of keeping its ancient enemies, the Mussulman Bosniacs, in check. | The only other solution was the present one. Austria-Hungary can neither Mag. yarize nor Germanize Bosnia. She brings it safety, order, education, and roads; or, in other words, the elements of modern civilization. Is not this all the Slavophils can possibly desire? Thus will be formed a new nation, which will grow up side by side with Croatia and Dalmatia, fortifying these two countries as it develops, and serving at the same time as a connecting link between them. Emile de Laveleye. From The Saturday Review. GENERAL GORGEY. THE other day in a private room in one of the by-streets of Pesth, five old sol diers presented to their former com mander a document, the full significance and indeed the full pathos of which we in England can with difficulty appreciate, owing to distance both of time and space. Not only is Hungary a long way off, occu pying but a small place in an English. man's mental horizon, but the events referred to in that document happened thirty-five years ago, in those antediluvian days when the Second Empire as yet was not, and the World's Fair had not been held in Hyde Park. Even in Hungary the War of Independence is passing into the domain of history. Those, however, of our readers who are old enough to remember that war as a contemporary event discussed in the columns of the Times and the Daily News, and afterwards retold in burning words by the most eloquent foreigner that ever addressed an English andience, will remember that the Hungarian commander-in-chief, Arthur Görgey, was the scapegoat sent out into the wilderness with all the sins and sorrows of that unsuccessful struggle upon his head. It was not enough that two of the most formidable military powers of the Continent joined their forces to crush the Hungarians; they were betrayed, so we were assured, by the foremost soldier in their ranks, to whom the governor Kossuth had in a moment of misplaced confidence entrusted the fortunes of his country. What was the precise character of the unworthy motives that led General Görgey to soil his laurels with treachery was variously and vaguely explained; but it was generally assumed that his motives must have been unworthy. The capitulation of Vilagos, when twenty-four thou sand men, with one hundred and forty-four cannon, laid down their arms before the Russian commander, was for the Hunga rian nation the humiliations of Sedan and Metz and Paris rolled into one. By it two delusions dear to the national mind seemed in danger of being dissipated — that Hungary alone in arms could defy all her enemies round about, and, if not, the free peoples of the West would interfere in her behalf. The theory of Görgey's treason came in opportunely to save the amour propre of the nation and of those who had fostered those dangerous and dear illusions. The events which preceded and those which followed the capitulation combined to lend plausibility to the theory of treason. Early in the course of the war it had become apparent that the Assembly, under the leadership of Kos. suth, and the army under the leadership of Görgey, held irreconcilable views with regard to the proper aim and scope of the struggle against Austria. The more san- men of their country both in politics and guine partisans on either side urged their letters. General Görgey's great rival, the leader to suppress his rival by violent ex-governor, has of late years revived the means. To bring Görgey before a court-recollection of that war by the publication martial, to disperse the Assembly at Deb. of his "Memoirs." Their publication led reczin as Cromwell dispersed the Long to a certain recrudescence of the old conParliament, such would have been the troversies. Görgey and his friends relogical issues of the disagreement. But pked by articles in the Budapest Review the leaders shrank from such extreme and other periodicals. At last, in the courses. Each was too sensible of the spring of the current year, two or three weakness of his own position; each per- members of the old Honved army, dishaps over-estimated the power of his cussing the question among themselves, rival. It was only the military disasters determined to collect the opinions of their consequent upon the energetic and effec. surviving comrades. Finding that their tual intervention of the Russians that gave own view of the matter was generally the soldier a final preponderance over the though not universally held, they drew up agitator. Kossuth abdicated and fled; a declaration to the effect that in capitu Görgey remained and capitulated. By lating at Vilagos General Görgey had surrendering, not to the Austrian, but to altogether acted as became a soldier and the Russian commander, he emphasized a patriot. This declaration, dated the the fact that Hungary yielded, only to 30th of May, was presented to the general force majeure, and was conquered only by on the 22nd of November, by which time foreign arms. In so acting he conceived it had been signed by two hundred and that he was saving the military honor of seven old Honved officers, a goodly numhis country. One, however, of the con- ber when we take into account the rav sequences of his so acting was that his ages which thirty-five years have made in life was spared through the express inter- their ranks. The document begins by vention of Russia, while his companions reflecting on their daily diminishing numin arms were shot, hanged, and impris-bers - one of them, General Gaspar, has oned. Under these circumstances it was but natural, however illogical and unfair, to make him responsible, not only for the failure of the campaign, but also for the severity of the repression which began as soon as the Russian troops had left Hungary. Thus, as a deputy expressed himself in 1868, "poor Görgey had to be branded as a traitor that we might save the prestige of the country." From 1849 to 1867 Görgey was "interned" in Klagenfurt as a political suspect, and was not permitted to return home until the reconciliation of the king and the nation took place in the latter year. On several occasions after his return he was publicly and grossly insulted both in the capital and the provinces. Yet he counted among his friends and adherents the most prominent and most esteemed members of Hungarian society, and he was employed by the government both as a chem-impossible that the right cause should be ist and an engineer. Few European countries have changed so much as Hungary during the last thirtyfive, or even during the last seventeen years. The generation that fought and suffered in the War of Independence has become a minority, although its surviving members are still the most distinguished died since his signature was affixed-on the advanced age of those who still remain, on the destruction of the original official papers by the enemy, and the desirableness in the interests of historic truth of their making such a declaration. They are further moved to do so by feelings of humanity and of loyalty to a comrade and a commander who for so many years has supported with so much manly fortitude so great a weight of unmerited opprobrium; further, by a juster idea of the honor of their country than to suppose that it can be served by the maintenance of a fable invented in a moment of despair, the need for which fable, if it ever existed, having long ago passed away. They then point out the desperate position of the Hungarian army before Vilagos, and recall General Görgey's words in his farewell proclamation to his troops, "It is lost forever." Among the names ap pended may be noticed those of General Klapka, Count Scherr Thosz, the Prussian Baron Uechtritz, Counts Esterhazy, Karolyi, and Andrassy, and that of M. Gustave Kossuth, sometime lieutenant in the Honved army and a cousin of the gov. ernor. For EIGHT DOLlars, remitted directly to the Publishers, the LIVING AGE will be punctually forwarded for a year, free of postage. Remittances should be made by bank draft or check, or by post-office money-order, if possible. If neither of these can be procured, the money should be sent in a registered letter. All postmasters are obliged to register letters when requested to do so. Drafts, checks and money-orders should be made payable to the order of LITTELL & Co. Single Numbers of THE LIVING AGE, 18 cents. And pines for the peace of the Threescore and Ten. When the Sun pours the splendors of noon on our eyes, Those splendors but veil the true pomp of the skies; 'Tis but when he sinks in the surges of Even, That we see in its grandeur the star-studded heaven. The horizon of life thus grows clearer by years; Man is freed from his fever of hopes and of fears; What was storm in the mountain, is calm in the glen, And he feels the true joys of the Threescore and Ten. WHEN AUTUMN'S LEAVES. (Translated from the Italian of Stecchetti, by Baroness SWIFT.) WHEN Autumn's leaves have fallen, and thou dost hie To seek my cross down in the churchyard lone, In some deserted nook shalt see it lie, And flow'rets sweet o'er it will then have grown; Oh, cull them to adorn thy golden hair, were The poems that I thought, but never sung, The words of love, ne'er uttered by my tongue. La Mira, November 11, 1884. |