and the minister for foreign affairs, M. de Kálnoky, at 3 P.M.. It is always well to make the acquaintance of ministers when visiting foreign countries. It is the means of obtaining the key to doors generally closed, to consulting documents otherwise inaccessible, and to getting out of prison if by mistake you happen to be one day thrown therein. him, that he was more likely to have kept his means hidden somewhere. He had to pay upwards of £4,000 once in settlement of some transaction concerning land, and he brought the whole of this amount in his cart, in specie, to the mar ket-town. The thing was talked about: I heard of it, but at first did not quite believe it. However, after a while I had an opportunity of hearing the fact confirmed The Home Office is a sombre-looking by the conveyancer to whom the money palace, situated in the Judenplatz, a dark had been paid. My informant added that and narrow street in old Vienna; the it had been transported, packed in a milk- apartments are spacious, correct but bare; pail; and that when the farmer was the furniture severe, simple but pure eighjeered at, by some one present at the pay-teenth-century style. It resembles the ment, for trusting his cart-men with loose coin when he would not trust a bank, he said: "Trust 'em! no, I didn't: I told 'em 'twas a lot of shot I was sending away, now that the shooting was over." He was Upon my word, though, I must give over gossiping, and get back with my two or three volumes to shelter, for I can no longer doubt that those clouds are in earnest. Provided that I have not to run for it I don't care; but who will warrant me for even a couple of minutes? There! I am on my feet once more, at any rate. And now, how to convey my books. I will just tie them together with that cord which has been hanging over the ham mock to assist me when it should be my pleasure to turn out, and then if I have luck Ah, here is the boy in buttons, and a nice thoughtful boy he is! Between us we can carry all, and dispense with the tying up. So now I start at once with a fair prospect of being housed before the storm begins. That was a rather vivid flash. There is going to be a pitiless pelting, for the wind is rising. But I think I shall do it. From The Contemporary Review. I ARRIVE at Vienna at ten o'clock and alight at the Münsch hotel, a very oldestablished one, and very preferable, in my opinion, to those gigantic and sumptuous Ring establishments where one is a mere number. I find awaiting me a letter from the Baron de Neumann, my colleague of the University of Vienna, and a member of the Institut de Droit International. He informs me that the minister Taaffe will await me at eleven o'clock, abode of an ancient family who must live Count Taafe has long been in favor of federalism. Under the Taaffe-Potocki ministry, in 1869, he had sketched a plan of reforms with the object of extending the sway of provincial governments.* In I give a brief sketch of this in my book, "La Prusse et l'Autriche depuis Sadowa," vol. i., p. 265. some articles in the Revue des Deux the chancellor, is composed of three minMondes, in 1868-9, I tried to show that isters viz., those of foreign affairs, this was the best solution of the question. finances, and war; it alone settles foreign Count Taaffe is still young; he was born policy, and the Hungarian element is dom in 1833, Feb. 24. He is descended from inant here. Count Taaffe's principal resian Irish family and is a peer of that coun- dence is at Ellisham in Bohemia. Bailli try, with the title of Viscount Taaffe of of the order of Malta, he possesses the Correw and Baron of Ballymote; but his Golden Fleece. He is, in fact, in every ancestors left their home and lost their respect, an important personage. In 1860 Irish estates on account of their attach- he married the Countess Irma de Czaky ment to the Stuarts. They took service, of Keresztszegk, by whom he has had a then, under the dukes of Lorraine, and son and five daughters. He has, thus, one of them distinguished himself at the one foot in Bohemia and the other in siege of Vienna in 1683. Count Edward, Hungary. All unanimously admit his exthe present minister, was born at Prague. traordinary aptitudes, his indefatigable His father was president of the supreme energy, and his clever administration; but court of justice. He himself commenced in Vienna they complain that he is too his career in the Hungarian administra- aristocratic, and has too great a weakness tion under the Baron Bach, who, seeing for the clergy. Probably a statue as high his great aptitudes and his perseverance, as the Hradsin Cathedral will be raised in procured him rapid advancement. Taaffe his honor at Prague, if he persuades the became successively vice-governor of Bo- emperor to be crowned there. hemia, governor of Salzburg, and finally governor of upper Austria. Called to the ministry of the interior in 1867, he signed the famous Ausgleich of December 21, which forms the basis of the present dual empire. After the fall of the ministry, he was appointed governor of the Tyrol, and held that post to general satisfaction for a space of seven years. On his return to power he again took up the portfolio of the interior, and was also appointed president of the Council. He continued to pursue his federalist policy, but with more success than in 1869. The concessions he makes to the Tscheks are a subject of both grief and wonder in Vienna. It is said that he does it to secure their votes for the revision of the law of primary education in favor of reactionary clericalism. Those who are of this opinion must forget that he has clearly shown his leaning to federalism for more than sixteen years. What is more astonishing is the contradiction between Austria's home and foreign policy. At home the Slav movement is encouraged. All is conceded to it, with the exception of the re-establishment of the realm of St. Wenceslas, the road to which is, however, being prepared. Abroad, on the contrary, and especially beyond the Danube, this movement is opposed and suppressed as much as possible, even at the risk of dangerously increasing Russia's influence and popularity. This contradiction may be explained after this wise. The "Common" ministry of the empire is entirely independent of the ministry of Cis-Leithania. This "Common" ministry, presided over by At three o'clock I proceeded to see Count Kálnoky at the Foreign Office in the Ballplatz. It is very well situated, near to the imperial residence, in a wide street, and in sight of the Ring. Large reception-rooms, solemn-looking and cold; gilded chairs and white and gold panellings, red curtains, polished floorings, and no carpets. On the walls portraits of the imperial family. While waiting to be announced, I think of Metternich. It was here he resided. In 1812 Austria decided the fall of Napoleon. Now, again, she holds in her hands the destinies of Europe; for the balance changes as she moves towards the north, the east, or the west; and I am about to see the minister who directs her foreign policy. I expected to find myself in the presence of an imposing-looking person, with white hair, and very stiff; so I was agreeably surprised on being most affably received by a man of about forty, dressed in a brown morning suit, with a blue cravat. An open and very pleasing expression, and eyes brimming over with wit. All the Kálnoky family have this particularity, it appears. He possesses the quiet, refined, yet simple and modest distinction of manner of an English nobleman. Like many Austrians of the upper class, he speaks French like a Parisian. I think this is due to their speaking six or seven languages equally well, so that the particular accent of each becomes neutralized. The English and the Germans, even when they know French thoroughly, have still a foreign accent when speaking it; not so the Austrians. Count Kálnoky asks what are my plans for my journey. When he hears that I intend studying the question of the Eastern railways, he says: "That is our great preoccupation at the present moment. In the West they pretend that we are anxious for conquest. This is absurd. It would be very difficult for us to make any which would satisfy the two parties in the empire, and it is in fact greatly to our interest that peace should be maintained. But we are dreaming of different sorts of conquests, which, as an economist, you can but approve. I speak of conquests we are desirous of making for our industries, trade, and civilization. For this to be possible, we want railways in Servia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Macedonia; and, above all, a connection with the Ottoman lines. Engineers and diplomatists are already at work, and will soon succeed, I hope. I do not think any one will complain or throw blame on us when a Pullman car takes him comfortably from Paris to Constantinople in three days. We are working for the ben efit of the Western world." It has been said that speech was given to diplomatists to conceal their thoughts. I believe, though, that when Austrian statesmen deny any ideas of conquest and annexation in the East, they are expressing the true intentions of the imperial government. The late Chancellor de Haymerlé expressed similar opinions when I saw him in Rome in 1879, and in a letter which I received from him shortly before his death. Baron Haymerlé was better acquainted with the East and the Balkan Peninsula than any one. He had lived there many years, first as dragoman of ths Austrian embassy, and afterwards as a government envoy, and he was a perfect master of all the different languages of the East. The present chancellor, Count Kálnoky, of Körospatak, is of Hungarian origin, as his name indicates; but he was born at Littowitz, in Moravia, December 29, 1832. Most of his landed estates are in that province, amongst others Prödlitz, Ottaslawitz, and Szabatta. He has several brothers, and a very lovely sister who has been twice married, first to Count Jean Waldstein, the widower of a Zichy, who was already sixty-two years of age, and secondly, to the Duke of Sabran. Chancellor Kálnoky's career has been very extraordinary. He left the army in 1879, with the grade of colonel, and took up diplomacy. He obtained a post at Copenhagen, where he appeared destined to play a very insignificant part in political affairs. Shortly after, however, he was appointed to St. Petersburg, the most important of all diplomatic posts, and, on the death of Haymerlé, he was called to Vienna as foreign minister, and thus in three years he advanced from the position of a cavalry officer, brilliant and elegant it is true, but with no political influence, to be the arbiter of the destinies of the Austrian Empire, and consequently of those of Europe. How may this marvellously rapid advancement, reminding one of the tales of the grand viziers in the “ Arabian Nights," be accounted for? It is generally considered to be due to Andrassy's friendship. But the real truth is very little known. Count Kálnoky is even cleverer as a writer than as a speaker. His despatches from foreign courts were really finished models. The emperor, a most indefatigable and conscientious worker, reads all the despatches from the ambassadors, and was much struck with those from St. Petersburg, noting Kálnoky as destined to fill high functions in the State. At St. Petersburg he charmed every one by his wit and amiability, and in spite of the distrust felt for his country became persona grata at the court there. When he became chancellor, the emperor gave him the rank of major-general. It was thought in the beginning that his friendship for Russia might lead him to come to terms with that power, and perhaps also with France, and to break off the alliance with Germany; but Kálnoky does not forget that he is Hungarian and the friend of Andrassy, and that the pivot of Hungarian policy, since 1866, has been a close alliance with Berlin. In the summer of 1883 the German papers more than once expressed vague doubts as to Austria's fidelity, and public opinion at Vienna, and more especially at Pesth, was rather astir on the subject. Kálnoky's visit to Gastein, where the emperor Wilhelm showed him every mark of affection, and his interview with M. de Bismarck, where everything was satisfactorily explained, completely silenced these rumors. At the present, the young minister's posi tion is exceedingly secure. He enjoys the emperor's full confidence, and, apparently, that of the nation also, for, in the last session of the Trans- and CisLeithanian Delegations he was acclaimed by all parties, even by the Tscheks who are just now dominant in Cis-Leithania. Count Kálnoky is hitherto unmarried, which fact, it is said, renders Vienna mothers despairing and husbands ur easy. I pass my evenings at the Salm-Lichtensteins'. I had already the pleasure of making the acquaintance of the Altgräfin | national movement in Bohemia are of in Florence, and I am very glad to have German origin, and do not even speak the an opportunity of meeting her husband, a language they wish to be made official. member of Parliament very deeply inter- The Hapsburg dynasty, our capital, our ested in the Tscheko-German question. civilization, the initiative and persistent He belongs to the Austrian Liberal party, perseverance to which Austria owes its and severely blames Taaffe's policy, and creation are not all these Germanic? the alliance that the feudal party, and es- In Hungary, German, the language of our pecially members of his own and of his emperor, is forbidden; it is excluded also wife's families, have concluded with the in Galicia, in Croatia, and will soon be so ultra-Tscheks. "Their aim is," he says, also in Carinthia, in Transylvania, and in "to obtain the same situation for Bohemia Bohemia. The present policy is perilous as for Hungary. The emperor would go in every respect. It is deeply wounding to Prague to receive the crown of St. to the German element, which is nothing Wenceslas. An autonomous government less than the enlightened classes, comwould be re-established in Bohemia under merce, money the power, in fact, of the direction of a Diet, as in Hungary. modern times. If autonomy is estabThe empire would become triune instead lished in Bohemia, it will deliver over the of dual. Save for questions common to clergy and the aristocracy to the Tschek all, the three States would be independent democrats and Hussites." of each other, united only in the person of the sovereign. Such an arrangement answered admirably in the Middle Ages, when it was usual; but at the present day, when we are surrounded on all sides by great united powers, as France, Russia, Prussia, and Italy, it is senseless to advocate it. I admit of federation for small neutral States like Switzerland, or for a large country embracing an entire continent, like the United States; but I consider that for Austria, situated, as she is, in the heart of Europe, exposed on all sides to complications and to the greed and envyings of her many neighbors, it would be absolute perdition. My good friends of the feudal party, supported by the clergy, hope that when autonomy is established in Bohemia, and the country is completely withdrawn from the influence of the Liberals of the central parliament, they themselves will be the masters there, and the former order of things will be reset on foot. I think they make a very great mistake. I believe that when the Tscheks have attained the end they have in view, they will turn against their present allies. They are at heart all democrats, varying in shade from pale pink to bright scarlet; but all will band together against the aristocracy and the clergy, and will make common cause with the German population of our towns, who are almost all Liberals. The country inhabitants would also in a great measure join them, and thus the aristocracy and the clergy would be inevitably vanquished. If necessary the ultra-Tscheks would call up the memories of John Huss and of Ziska, to ensure the triumph of their party. "Strange to say," he continues, "the majority of the old families heading the "All that you say," I answer, "is perfectly clear. I can offer but one objection, which is that from time to time in the affairs of humanity certain irresistible currents are to be met with. They are so irresistible that nothing subdues them, and any impediment in their way merely serves to increase their force. The nationality movement is one of these. See what a prodigious re-awakening! One might almost compare it to the resurrection of the dead. Idioms buried hitherto in darkness spring forth into light and glory. What was the German language in the eighteenth century, when Frederick boasted that he ignored it, and prided himself on writing French as perfectly as Voltaire? True, it was Luther's language; yet it was not spoken by the upper and educated classes. Forty years ago, what was the Hungarian tongue? The despised dialect of the pastors of the Puzta. German was the only language spoken in good society and in government offices, and, at the Diet, Latin. At the present day the Magyar dialect is the language of the press, of the parliament, of the theatre, of science, of academies, of the university, of poetry, and of fiction; henceforth the recognized and exclusive official language, it is imposed even upon the inhabitants of Croatia or Transylva nia, who have no wish for it. Tschek is gradually securing for itself the same place in Bohemia as Magyar has attained in Hungary. A similar phenomenon is taking place in Croatia, the dialect there, formerly merely a popular patois, now possesses a university at Agram, poets and philologists, a national press and a theatre. The Servian tongue, which is merely Croatian written in Cyrillic char acters, has become the official, literary, parliamentary, and scientific language of Servia. It is in precisely the same position as its elder brothers, French and German, in their respective countries. It is the same for the Bulgarian idiom in Bulgaria and Roumelia, for the Roumanian in Roumania, for Polish in Galicia, for Finn in Finland, and soon also in Flanders, where, as elsewhere, the literary reawakening precedes political claims. With a constitutional government, the nationality party is sure to triumph, because there is a constant struggle between the political opponents as to which shall make the most concessions in order to secure votes for themselves. This has been also the case in Ireland. Tell me, do you think it possible that any govern ment would be able to suppress so deeply grounded, so universal a movement, whose root is in the very heart of long-enslaved races, and which must fatally develop as what is called modern civilization pro. gresses? What is to be done, then, to quell this irresistible pressing forward of races all claiming their place in the sun shine? Centralize and compress them, as Schmerling and Bach tried to do? It is too late for that now. The only thing is to make compromises with these divers nationalities, as Count Taaffe is trying to do, being careful, at the same time, to protect the rights of the minority." "But," answers the Altgraf, "in Bohemia we Germans are in a minority, the Tscheks could crush us mercilessly." 66 The following day I call on M. de V., an influential Conservative member of Parliament. He appears to me even more distressed than Count Salm. "An Aus trian of the old school, a sincere black and yellow," I am, "and even," says M. de V., what you call in your extraordinary Lib. eral jargon, a Reactionist. My attachment to the imperial family is absolute, as being the common centre of all parties in the State. I am attached to Count Taaffe, because he is the representative of Conservative principles; but I deplore his federalistic policy, which, if pursued, will certainly lead to the disintegration of the empire. My audacity even goes. so far as to declare that Metternich was a clever man. Our good friends, the Italians, reproach him with having said that Italy is a mere geographical expression. But of our empire, which he made so powerful, and, on the whole, so happy, not even that will be left, if this system of chopping it into pieces be followed much longer. It will become a kaleidoscope instead of a State, a mere collection of Quivi sospiri, pianti ed alti guai "This is the state of things that is being prepared for us. You would hardly, perhaps, believe that this mania is now so violently raging that the Germans in Bohemia, dreading the future power of the Tscheks, have requested autonomy for that portion of the country where they are in a majority. On the other hand, the Tscheks would never suffer the division of their realm of St. Wenceslas, so this is another cause of quarrel. This struggle of races is but a return to barbarous ages. You are a Belgian and I an Austrian; could we not therefore agree to manage a business or direct an institution together?" "Of course," I reply. "When a certain degree of culture is attained, the important point is conformity of feeling rather than a common language, but at the outset, language is the means of arriving at intellectual culture. The motto of one of our Flemish societies affirms this most energetically: De taal is gauseh het volk (Language is everything for a people'). In my opinion, reason and virtue are the important points, but_without language and letters there can be no progress in civilization." I take note of a curious little incident, which showed how exceedingly bitter this animosity of races has become. The Tscheks of Vienna, who number about thirty thousand, requested a grant from the town council to assist them to found a school, where the instruction would be given in their language. The rector of of the university of that city spoke in favor of this request at the meeting of the council. The students of the Tschek University of Prague, apprised of this, forwarded him a vote of thanks; but in what language? Not in Tschek, the rector would not have understood a word; nor in German, the language of the oppressors; in French, as being a foreign idiom and neutral everywhere. The vote certainly very justifiable of the rector in favor of a Tschek school in Vienna, was so highly disapproved of by his colleagues that he was forced to resign his post. I go next to see Baron von Neumann, one of the pillars of our Institute of International Law. Besides his vast legal |