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effected was the establishment of good government in the States of the Church, and not simply the restoration of an ecclesiastical prince to the chair of St. Peter.
We have no reason, as we remarked, for concluding that the measures recently adopted at Rome express anything but the deliberate conception entertained by the pontiff of his own privileges and opportunities. There is, however, a remedy fortunately at hand against such excesses of power. Pope Pius, if unsupported by foreign arms, will speedily be taught, by the undismayed resolution of the Roman people, to what point his dominion legitimately extends; and if, on the other hand, the arms of foreigners are still employed in his protection, he can only govern in conformity with that power on whose protection he depends. The ministry of the French republic has openly expressed upon this point opinions wholly irreconcilable with the recent ordinances of Gaeta. In these opinions they will be confirmed by the feel
Acting, we are inclined to believe, as much on his own mere motive as the instance of others, Pope Pius has already replaced the most odious machinery of the old Papal government, with every circumstance of abruptness and injury. As if for the purpose of bringing two extremes into suggestive contrast, he has superseded Mazzini's triumvirate by one of his own nomination, and has apparently left these commissioners of sovereignty in the unfettered exercise of discretionary power. They have proceeded accordingly to the enactment of every ordinance which could insult the gentry, aggravate the middle class, infuriate the populace, and alienate the provincial munici-ings of the French people, and they must be well palities. Pope Pius has been the first to supply by his own conduct a proof that the Roman people were really unanimous, and that with sound reason, in desiring a change of government.
It has hitherto been plausibly argued that the acts of the democratic triumvirate were not the acts of the people of Rome, but the measures adopted by the restored pontiff are well calculated to assure the world that all must have stood alike in their opposition, since all are subjected to the same retributive penalties. Pius IX. has not chosen to throw himself on the good will, the good sense, the affection, or the generosity of any one class of his subjects. He has kept himself aloof from his kingdom; has garrisoned his capital with foreign bayonets, and has commissioned a triumvirate, whose very names are symbolical of misgovernment and tyranny, to dispose of the liberties and fortunes of his people, while he disports himself in the pleasures of a congratulatory
aware that, even if their predilections took another direction, it would be scarcely practicable for a power so circumstanced in its foreign relations as France to provide for the permanent maintenance of a Pope in his own capital by force of arms. If such a Guelph faction were once established, the old Ghibelline antagonism would not long be wanting.
All things however concur, at present, in suggesting a different solution of the problem. Excepting the court of Naples, whose incapacity of service in the hour of danger has been practically shown, there exists no state whose opinions or interests are involved in supporting the extravagant claims of the Pope and his cardinals. M. de Tocqueville disavowed any such intentions on the part of his own government, and the French soldiery, whose demeanor, under existing circumstances, partakes of a certain independence of expression, have evinced a decided leaning toward the cause of the citizens among whom they are now quartered. Austria has not been backward in a similar declaration of sentiment, and there remains no power to which the Pope could turn
hostility to the claims of his people. To such a pitch have his three commissioners carried their measures of resentful reaction that a fresh outbreak of popular violence was daily anticipated; and although no such insurrection could be successful against the present garrison of the city, yet it was by no means certain how far the coöperation of this garrison might be counted on, now that the merits of the case had been placed clearly before them. It would, however, be far more in the interests both of Rome and Europe that Pius IX. should be distinctly taught his duties by those who have won the right to such remonstrance, than that Central Italy should again be consigned to the caprices of a democratic faction, under worse conditions than before.
It has been sometimes said that the effective reformation of the Papal government must necessarily be tantamount to a revolution, and that such a measure is absolutely incompatible with the for support in his unbecoming and ill-considered temporal power of the head of the church. We will not touch upon that assertion at present further than to say that it is certainly not for the interest of Pope Pius and his consistories to give a practical proof of its correctness. If it can indeed be decided that the good government of the Roman states is essentially inconsistent with the temporal supremacy of the pontiff, the conclusion is not likely to be that the pontiff must therefore be supported by the opinions of Europe in governing ill. Surely it might be conceived that a Pope, and especially such a Pope as Pius IX. had once professed himself, could be reconducted to his capital without indulging in the puerile or vindictive freaks of a Spanish Bourbon! Yet, if we look dispassionately at the decrees which have issued from the conclave at Gaeta, we shall be driven to conclude that no restored sovereign ever warranted the proverb regarding such characters more completely than this once popular and benevolent Pope.
DISMEMBERMENT OF HUNGARY.
THE English press is unanimous in crying out against any dismemberment of Hungary, and the
following from the London Herald is a fair repre-week become the creature and tool of Russia, such
From the Spectator, 8 Sept.
It is because we desire not the dismemberment of the Austrian empire, and should wish to see that empire great and powerful, that we would press on the other cabinets of Europe the necessity of now interposing by negotiation-and of endeavDIPLOMACY preserves its secrecy, and report oring to secure to Hungary that which is constitutionally and legally her right. In uttering this now describes the congress of princes at Frank"to settle the German question." opinion, we adhere to the views which we expressed fort as one seven or eight months ago, antecedently to the We defy any power included within "Germany" to "settle" any great section of the European period when the Hungarian cause was encumbered with the help of many mouthing demagogues of question. The rivalry of Austria and Prussia the metropolitan boroughs, and of the great manufacturing towns-demagogues who but repeat the would forbid that, even if states beyond Germany stereotyped articles which we have seen in one were not complicated in the affair-Hungary, daily and three or four weekly journals, and which Venice, Lombardy, and many more. all evidently proceed, with a slight variation of patch up the central authority or "settle" nothing. Kossuth denounces phrase and possibly for some very well understood they can Görgey's "shameful ingratitude," and several cause-from the same workshop. That such meetings, or such arguments or articles as have been recently urged and written in favor of Hungary by circumstances strengthen the impression that some of our ultra radicals, and one daily and sev- Görgey surrendered on grounds of policy rather eral weekly prints here, could have in any way sub- than from absolute exhaustion: in other words, served the great cause at issue in Hungary, we Hungary abruptly broke off the war without havmore than doubt. The position of the question is ing been subdued; she yielded her cannon, but now, however, such that diplomacy may fittingly retains her self-possession; and her chiefs, on intervene, when the crash of arms and the more
noxious babbling of ten-pounders have ceased; and returning to their Austrian allegiance, become a we trust that Viscount Palmerston and her maj-party within Austria whom it will not be safe to esty's ministers will lose not a moment in coöperat- dispose of by any congress of princes at FrankThe Emperor of Russia is at Warsaw, ing with the French government, in urging on the fort. cabinet of Vienna the long neglected truth, that by lavishing honors upon Prince Paskiewicz, the acting in a legal and constitutional spirit towards recipient of Görgey's semi-voluntary surrender; Hungary, that kingdom may be won back to a and the imperial letters are couched in terms of "candid and deep-felt gratitude," which attest loyalty and enthusiasm such as prevailed in the Venice yields unvantime of Maria Theresa. Nothing but such a course the previous solicitude. as this can pacify Hungary, save Austria, or secure quished in spirit; on the contrary, she has learned tranquillity for any length of time in Europe. The moment appears opportune for peace and to know that a spirit which was thought to be reconciliation; for though Hungary has learned her drowned in the lagunes still dwells in the Queen "A congress to settle the Gerown strength, and Austria her own weakness, in of the Adriatic. late encounters, yet the best and most enlightened man question" must fail for insufficiency of aumen, both in Austria and Hungary, feel that a great and enduring empire can only exist by an in-thority, of power, and of the locus standi. Its timate union of the two kingdoms-by the union of success might be mischievous even the empire of Austria with the kingdom of Hungary. princes" concerned, since it might tend to superThis being so, we trust the constitutional Emperor sede the European Congress which is so much of Austria will henceforth act and feel as though needed. Certain portents make us suppose that such an he were King of Hungary, and king on the condition of respecting the laws and constitution of the idea is not yet abandoned among the secret councils of diplomacy. The friends of the royal classMagyars. If the obligations which Austria has incurred to Russia could by any manner of means interpose an obstacle to this great duty of the Aus-es are busy in keeping their merits before the pure and trian emperor and his cabinet, such obligations public: "A Legitimist" describes the Comte de would become a European calamity, disturbing the Chambord, of "noble" countenance, balance of power, interfering with the volition of an exalted" mind; an Orleanist describes the ingenempire, and the happiness and constitutional rights uous patriotism of Louis Philippe; a Bonapartist, of a dependency. But we trust that Russia will namely, the Prince-President Louis Napoleon, now see fit to withdraw her armies from Hungary; orally advertises his own qualities as a legitimist and by her wise counsels prove a disinterested
friend, and not a dangerous ally. It is impossible, and conservative! All these parties speak as if
THE COMFORTABLE STATE OF EUROPE.
To the Editor of the "Examiner:"
Europe is now in that comfortable state in which all men in power, whatever their politics or their countries, wish to see her. Everything is settled; no commotion, no demonstration. The most speculative and the most ardent must alike acknowledge that it is too late for interference or for intercession. The master and arbiter of Europe sees
which makes them refuse to see much; the information presented for their use, specially winnowed from the chaff with which it is found in journals and public report, is also imperfect, and often spoiled by tampering; and the training of royal or official people often makes them at the mercy, not only of defective information, but also of defective informability. This ignorance might lead a congress terribly astray, if effective steps were not taken to ascertain the necessities and opportunities of the time. It is desirable to reestablish Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Turkey, governing power within the states of Europe; but in order that it may be a valid power, strong to rule and to endure, it should possess all the modern aids and appliances of political power, including popular sanction.
SWITZERLAND.-The fact of an intended intervention by Russia, Austria, and Prussia, in Switzerland, is certified by an apologetic and explanatory article in the Paris Assemblée Nationale, a paper habitually receiving inspirations from the absolutist courts. The Morning Post vouches the rumor of Swiss invasion as containing more truth than many late rumors, and states that "some Austrian troops have absolutely marched." The following is the Assemblée's article :—
crouching at his feet, and France become his swordbearer. Forty years ago the nations had little comparatively to fear from Bonaparte. His rashness and cupidity were the harbingers of his overthrow.. But Russia is guided systematically by watchful and thoughtful, prompt and energetic, ministers. Every step of hers is considerate and firm, is short and sure; she is exhausted by no hasty strides, she is enfeebled by no idle aspirations. France believes it to be her interest, and fancies it to be in her power, to divide the world with her; and if two such nations, with ambition in accord, are resolved on it, what power upon earth can effectually interpose? It was the project of Napoleon to form a western and permit an eastern empire. He imagined the will could do everything; but no two natures are so distinct as the wilful and the wise. Never had man a quicker sight than Napoleon on the field of battle, or a shorter in the cabinet. His folly, and not our What are we now to do?
Some French, Belgian, and German journals of the Rhine, have been giving for the last few days the incredible intelligence that the great powers had decided amongst themselves on the partition of Switzerland, on the foundation of the several wisdom, saved us. nationalities that compose it. We are in a position Russia has already crushed and subjugated the to affirm that such an absurd idea never entered the bravest, the most free, the most high-minded people thoughts of European statesmen. No doubt, the on the continent; France has thrown Italy back journals which publish it desire to deprive the Eu- into the grasp of Austria; the Germans hammer ropean intervention in Switzerland of its real mean-out and lay down laws, for troops of royal horse ing. This meaning we will explain. A partition would be odious, and contrary to to ride over; England is laden with insolvable treaties; and what is required, on the contrary, is debts and unserviceable steam-boats. a return to the letter of these very treaties. The there may, however, be time enough left her to fundamental conventions of Switzerland recognize counteract that power which she alone has been the independence of the small as well as the large able to contend with, and lately might have coerced. cantons now demagogues have destroyed the lib- France is neither able nor willing to stand up erty of the smaller cantons, and this state of things against that Colossus which strides from Archangel cannot be allowed to exist. By treaties, the authority of the King of Prussia over Neufchatel is to Ormuz, over the snows of the Balkan, and over recognized; now that sovereignty must be the sand banks of the Persian Gulf. England, by claimed anew. No principle of international right timely assistance to the Hungarians, would have can authorize Switzerland to become the receptacle saved Turkey and secured Egypt. Neither the of all the refugees of Europe, in such a way as Turks nor the Hungarians can look forward with will allow the agents of permanent conspiracies to confidence to another such opportunity. An Engbe directed at will towards Germany, France, or lish fleet in the Black Sea, at the invocation of the Italy. This state of things must cease. Austria
thinks it necessary, in the interest of the special Turks, would have resuscitated the Circassians safety of the Lombardo-Venetian territory, to occu- and the Polanders. Engaged with every dispospy that part of the canton of Tessin which stretch-able regiment against Hungary and Transylvania, es to the St. Gothard. This pretension may be con- the formidable monster of the north could have tested, for it is not in the treatics; but in this Aus- made vestigia nulla retrorsum; it must have perished tria is supported by Russia. Such is the real state in the pitfall. of the Swiss question. Nothing more is required thus have been prevented. Before two years are A long series of future wars might
on one or the other hand; but we think we are in
a position to know that, in order to reach these over, we must inevitably be engaged in one most ends, the powers are decided to follow the same formidable; one entered into, not for the interests system of firmness and resolution that they have of our commerce, not for the defence of our allies, followed in the sad affairs of Italy and Hungary.
not for the maintenance of our treaties, not for sympathy with that brave nation now trampled on,
the nation which bears the nearest affinity to us, in fortitude, constancy, and integrity, nor for our prerogative and preeminence, but (what has never been the case these many ages) for our homes and lives. Vainly is it asserted that Russia can never hurt us, although it may indeed be conceded that she alone could never. But if Napoleon, in the blindness of his fury, had not attacked her where alone she was invulnerable, we should not at the present hour be arguing on moral duty and political expediency. Regiments of French cavalry would have been sounding the bugle in every town and every hamlet of our land.
At the late Peace Congress in Paris, a letter from Mr. Samuel Gurney to Mr. Joseph Sturge was referred to; it has been published, and its facts are seen to have been the foundation of effective parts of one of Mr. Cobden's speeches. The position of Mr. Gurney, as head of one of the greatest banking-houses in Europe, gives weight to his opinions on subjects of finance. He thus discloses them to his friend
Virtuous men, American and English, sigh after peace in the streets of Paris! Now they are so Permit me to call thy attention to the standing far on the road, let them proceed to Gaeta and con- armies and navies of the nations of Europe. vert the Pope to Protestantism. There never can trust the congress will come to some strong resobe universal peace, nor even general peace long lution on the subject. The argument that one together, while threescore families stand forth on nation must pursue the practice because another the high grounds of Europe, and command a hun- does, is fallacious; mutual agreement to the contrary destroys the argument, if there be any force dred millions to pour out their blood and earnings, in it. I venture to throw before thee, however, whereon to float enormous bulks of empty digni- some considerations on the subject, on grounds unties. Nor is it probable, nor is it reasonable, that doubtedly political, but certainly consistent with young men, educated for the army and navy, should Christian propriety. In round numbers, I presume be reduced to poverty and inactivity. No breast that not far short of 2,000,000 of the inhabitants in which there is a spark of honor would suffer of Europe, in the prime and strength of their lives, this rank injustice, nor would any prudent man, labor, and are made consumers only of the good have been abstracted from useful and productive however mercantile and mercenary, venture to pro-gifts of the Almighty and of national wealth. pose it. The navy and army are the cotton-mills The cost of the maintenance of these armies and and spinning-jennies of aristocracy, which she will navies cannot be very much less than two hundred shut up and abandon the very day Mr. Cobden and millions of pounds sterling per annum, taking into Company shut up and abandon theirs. Enough consideration the subject in all its collateral bearwas there of folly to choose France for the school-ings, at least, it must amount to an enormous sum. Does not this view of the subject in a large degree room of order, equity, and peace. A Frenchman expose the cause of such masses of poverty, disis patient under the ferule, if the stroke falls hard, tress, and sin, which at present pervade many of but is always ready to filch and fib again, and play the districts of Europe? Is not such the legiti with fire, and to kick his master the moment he mate result of so vast a waste of labor, food, and turns his back and suspends the chastisement. wealth? Moreover, I venture to give it as my Blood is as necessary to him as to a weasel. He decided judgment-judgment formed upon some may dip his whiskers in milk; but with a rapid knowledge of monetary matters that unless the nations of Europe adopt an opposite system in this and impatient motion he shakes his head and respect, many of them will inevitably become throws it off again. Away he goes, under the bankrupt, and will have to bear the disgrace and impulse of his nature, and washes out his disgrace evils of such a catastrophe. I could particularize in his own element. Scarves and speeches may the financial state of many of these nations, but fly about the dinner-table, but drums and fifes are will confine myself to those of France and Engthe first things listened to in the morning. The land. Of the former I speak with great delicacy, people of France will presently have enough of seeing the generous reception she has given to the this enjoyment. Two thunder-clouds so heavy and congress; but, deeply interested as I am in her welfare, I should rejoice to see her take possession vast as are now impending in opposite directions of the benefits and prosperities that must arise to on the horizon, cannot turn back; the world will her in a financial point of view, as well as in other be shaken to its foundations whether they collide respects, by adopting an opposite course to that or coalesce. Could nothing have obviated and dis- which she has hitherto done in respect of military sipated these portents? Loudly did I denounce to establishments. I acknowledge I tremble for her the "Examiner," long ago, when the King of if she persists in the plan hitherto pursued. In Prussia said he would march at the head of his that it is my judgment that, unless she wholly alrespect of my own country, I more boldly assert, army to resist the Russians, the perfidy of this ters her course in these respects, bankruptcy will man, and the certainty that he was conspiring with ultimately be the result. We have spent from fifthe two emperors against the freedom of Germany. teen to twenty millions sterling per annum for warIt was easy at that time to seize and banish him; like purposes since the peace of 1815. Had that and, since he had broken his own compact between money been applied to the discharge of the national king and people, it was just. Nations will soon hilated; but if our military expenditure be perdebt, by this time it would have been nearly annilearn parables. Somebody will show them a sisted in, and no reduction of our national debt take vegetable by which they were long supported; place, at a period of our history certainly characwill show them that the distemper, which is con- terized by very fair prosperity and general political
calm, how is it to be expected that the amount of revenue will be maintained in a time of adversity, which we must from time to time anticipate in our future history? Should such adversity come upon us, I venture to predict that our revenue will not be maintained, nor the dividends paid, unless more efficient steps be taken to prevent such a catastrophe in these days of prosperity and peace.
Shabbiness has characterized the treatment of the Italians by France and England; the conduct of France being the more flagrant, of England the more mean. Not only did France swindle the Romans out of their revolution, but official men in Paris took pains to misrepresent the conduct of the Roman leaders. Thus, the rash Lesseps had described Mazzini in unfavorable terms, not knowing the man; and M. de Falloux did not scruple to make public use of this letter, although the same writer, on a better knowledge, had corrected that portraiture. The Italian leaders, especially if we consider their difficulties, have shown a far higher and abler spirit in the conduct of affairs than statesmen in more powerful countries. Yet not a word of hearty acknowledgment has been uttered by English statesmen who have been ready enough to reecho the disparagements of past days. And the whig governor of Malta has introduced the innovation of refusing British hospitality to political refugees. The British public professes to repudiate and detest such conduct, and, in default of more substantial testimony to its own generous feeling, will pass abundant "resolutions" to that effect; of course the respected public will rejoice to perceive, by the advertisement which appears in another page of this journal, that a committee has been appointed to collect an "Italian Refugee Fund." By means of this fund the English public can pay its spontaneous tribute to humanity and justice.--Spectator, 8 Sept.
From the Examiner, 8 Sept.
were difficult, but Louis Napoleon might have done either one or the other. But alas neither glory nor economy is forthcoming. The Roman campaign is not rich in laurels; and the gendarmerie now engaged in collecting the arrears of the fortyfive centimes additional taxation, are not very likely to augment the preference of an imperial to a republican régime.
France is now, in fact, in the position of a ship with sails and rigging that have opposite directions, and aspire to lift it out of the water. These are the monarchic tendencies of the country's upper classes. But the ballast in the hold is a popular and a republican mass, never more powerful than when motionless. It secures the steadiness and safety of the vessel, and to get rid of it would be instantly to sink her.
There is nothing left therefore for Louis Napoleon, but to act quietly the part of president for three years, and take his chance afterwards for what national gratitude may bestow. Already any effort of his, in imitation of his great uncle, to snatch at a crown, or at permanence of power, would awaken the hostility and opposition which at present slumber. To this conclusion, indeed, the president and his friends seem to have come; compelled to it by the cold and doubtful reception which, notwithstanding the panegyrics of his journals, he has received in many places.
It is certainly among the many singularities of that inexplicable country, that a president elected by such an overwhelming majority should nevertheless be obliged to select his government and his chief ministers from the ranks of the very party opposed to him in the presidential election. Dufaure, the leading man of Cavaignac's cabinet, and he who most strenuously supported Cavaignac's candidature, is now the leading man of Louis Napoleon's cabinet. It is not found possible or prudent to replace him. This alone is a striking proof of the power and weight of the republican principle, and of its forming, in fact, the indispensable ballast of the state for the time being.
If Louis Napoleon could have any chance of maintaining his power, and prolonging it beyond his term of three years, it would be evidently by his avoiding anything like a dynastic policy, or a sacrifice of national interests to family ones. alliance with Russia, or subservience to it by royal or imperial marriage, would so instantly and so plainly betray this, that what the president would gain in courts by such an alliance, he would lose in the to him far more important place of the electoral urn. We are not therefore surprised to hear the rumor of the marriage denied, and that all reports of a premature revision of the constitution are dying away.
LOUIS NAPOLEON'S POSITION. LOUIS NAPOLEON's provincial tours have not been very successful. Not that the French President has committed any blunders. On the contrary, his allocations and responses have been rather felicitous; even when the addresses to which he replied were awkward and unwelcome. But, considered as fishing excursions to get bites for the imperial crown, the president's journeys have not turned out as his friends expected. The territorial grandees are, in fact, legitimists. The commercial grandees are Orleanists. The populace of towns are red republican. No doubt the great mass of the French population are not included in these three categories; and the great mass it was, being neither the high nor the low, who elected Louis Napoleon. But has he kept their affections, and rendered them either more firm in his behalf, or more enthusiastic? We doubt it. The arguments with which to win these masses were either ance. those of glory or of economy, those that appeal either to the pride or the pocket. To do both
This bodes well for Switzerland, for Turkey, and even for Rome. At least it makes out plainly that the policy of Louis Napoleon and his cabinet cannot yet be that of the tools of a new holy alli
Of course it is the foreign policy of the French cabinet that chiefly concerns us. Its domestic ad