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more festive character, extracted for the occasion | ever with the hope of our own freedom rising from from the secret recesses of her wardrobe; and from the ashes of sinking systems; but come, Pavel, we its mysterious hiding place had drawn the heir-loom have never tried to make a Jew of you; you must of the family, a crimson Jewish cap and stomacher, render us that justice." of faded, antiquated appearance, whose thick, confused embroidery of tarnished gold and silver, glittered with jewels of price, and her ears were laden with diamonds that a countess might have envied. Pavel stared in amazement, from the face of his hostess to her stomacher, and from her stomacher to her face.

Before Pavel could reply a loud knocking at the outer gate caused Noah and Salome to start up in alarm.

"Who can it be so late?" said Salome, turning pale.

"Excisemen," faltered Noah, for a moment transfixed with consternation.

"Robbers, perhaps," suggested Salome-" at any rate, strangers."

Pavel, who did not stir a finger to help his host and hostess, now watched in silence and curiosity their rapid evolutions. In an inconceivably short time, silver baskets, tea-spoons, dishes, and cloth disappeared from the table, the lamp was extinguished, and Salome had donned her slovenly, every-day attire; and when Noah, in some trepidation, supported by Peter, just awakened from a sound sleep, and by Pavel, went to the gate, every trace of a surprise was effaced. The calls without were so imperative, and accompanied by such loud Russian curses, that Noah lost no time in unbarring and unlocking.

"You are surprised to see me thus," said Salome, "but what I now wear is all the fortune I brought my husband, as it was all my mother, grandmother, and great-grandmother brought to theirs before me. If converted into money, it would be far from making us rich, and it might be extorted from us in a hundred different ways, but in this portable shape, happen what may, we have a resource easy of concealment from the rapacity of the Christians. Should they discover the French goods in our vaults, and seize our chattels, though fines might ruin us, and Noah languish in prison, still I have here the means of buying his judges, and of maintaining his children. You see it is no idle vanity that makes me cling to these ornaments which have never yet, with any of their posses- "I thought you were all dead!" said an officer sors, seen the light of day, and have only shone to of Cossacks, prancing into the yard, followed by the sacred lamp behind closed shutters. I hope a his little band, at sight of whom Noah gave himmilder day will come for our persecuted race even self up for lost. "I thought you were all dead! in this country, and that my Salome will have no How dare you, dog, keep us waiting at the gate? need to conceal them when they become her prop--Come-quick-a stirrup-cup for myself and my erty.'


'Ay," said Noah, "a milder day—when will it dawn? When will the governments and rulers who have pointed us out, marked, stamped us as fit objects for the contempt of the vulgar, revoke those exception laws made for our tribe? Let us but enjoy the same rights and privileges as other natives of the soil, and the line of demarcation which divides us from the rest of mankind will gradually melt away; we may then expose our wealth without fear of being robbed."

"Ah!" said Salome, "we should not wish for such a change. My poor father, the most saintlike of men, used always to say that the injustice of the Christians had kept us faithful so long-that happiness would cool our zeal."

"Your father, Salome-without meaning any disrespect to his memory-was exaggerated in his religious notions. He was a bigot-there are such in all religions. The man who could renounce meat throughout his whole life, to the great detriment of his health, and pore over the Talmud from morn till night, until he knew by heart every wise saw it contains, was striving all the time-forgive me for saying so, for I know how tender you are on this point for the reputation of sanctity which he obtained among our people. No, no; we want reform, and reform we must have, and I won't say but we foment the disorders in the enemy's camp,

The Jewesses, now, I am informed, wear their jewelled caps openly in Galicia, and many other parts of



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"Six glasses!" cried out Noah to Salome, who now appeared at the house door.

"Seven!" corrected the officer.

Noah repeated the order without a comment, and Pavel's quick eye detected through the doubtful light a double weight on one of the horses. His heart sprang to his lips. His first impulse was to approach the stranger; but he immediately perceived how impossible it would be to do so, surrounded as that horse was by the rest. One of the men dismounting to look after his saddle-girths, Pavel, in the most natural manner he could assume, drew near to hold his bridle, but he was warned away in a voice of thunder. Pavel fell back, gazing with curiosity, mixed with traditional horror, upon the long lances, in the use of which the Cossacks are so skilful. The officer, before touching his glass, endeavored to prevail upon some one to accept the brandy, but it was rejected. Noah's lantern flashing upwards at that moment threw a gleam of light upon the party, and revealed the person of him to whom this courtesy was proffered. He was wrapped in a riding cloak, with his arms tied behind his back, and bound with thongs to the Cossack who sat before him.

"Well, if you won't," said the officer, "it will be one glass more to my share."

The prisoner, profiting by the moment when the officer was in the act of swallowing his second glass of brandy, called out in a loud tone—“ Is

there here no Pole who will bear the news to the

Countess Stanoika that her brother is on his road | torn, doubtless, from his home, on grounds true or to Siberia?"

"This is beyond endurance!" exclaimed the leader, impetuously; and hastily throwing some money on the ground, he gave the word to march, which was so promptly obeyed, that, but for Pavel's quickness of eye, and readiness of hand, the poor Jew would have been ridden over where he stood humbly bowing.

"Lord save us!" ejaculated Noah, "if my heart can beat thus when their visit is not for me, what would it be if? Pavel, I really think I shall give up all connection with the smugglers-I thought to-night my doom was sealed."

But Pavel at that moment had no thought for Noah and his plans; he heard but the words of the stranger that still rang in his ears. That man, just



ERE from thy calm seclusion parted,
O fairest village of the plain!
The thoughts that here to life have started
Draw me to Nature's heart again.
The tasseled maize, full grain, or clover,
Far o'er the level meadow grows,
And through it, like a wayward rover,
The noble river gently flows.
Majestic elms, with trunks unshaken
By all the storms an age can bring,

sprays whose rest the zephyrs waken, Yet lithesome with the juice of spring. By sportive airs the foliage lifted,

Each green leaf shows its white below,
As foam on emerald waves is drifted,

Their tints alternate come and go.
And then the skies! when vapors cluster
From zenith to horizon's verge,

As wild gusts ominously bluster,

And in deep shade the landscape merge ;— Under the massive cloud's low border,

Where hill-tops with the sky unite, Like an old minster's blazoned warder, There scintillates an amber light. Sometimes a humid fleece reposes Midway upon the swelling ridge, Like an aerial couch of roses,

Or fairy's amethystine bridge:

And pale green islets lucid shimmer,
With huge cliffs jutting out beside,

Like those in mountain lakes that glimmer,
Tinged like the ocean's crystal tide;

Or saffron-tinted islands planted
In firmaments of azure dye,
With pearly mounds that loom undaunted,
And float like icebergs of the sky.
Like autumn leaves that eddying falter,
Yet settle to their crimson rest,
As pilgrims round their burning altar,
They slowly gather in the west.
And when the distant mountain ranges
In moonlight or blue mist are clad,
Oft memory all the landscape changes,
And pensive thoughts are blent with glad.

false, was connected with his former patron, and if he chose, this episode might afford him the means of approaching the family. It would, henceforth, be a matter of choice whether he did or did not intrude upon them.

"Take heed, Pavel," continued Noah, "that what you have heard this night never pass your lips. For your own sake, remember my words, and beware of babbling. The only principle to guide one safely through life, especially a vassal, is never to suffer the names of the great to pass his lips for good, bad, or indifferent. In general, whatever questions people ask you, no matter upon what subject, let your answer be, I don't know.' In these three words lies the wisdom of the poor."

For then, as in a dream Elysian,

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Val d'Arno's fair and loved domain
Seems to my rapt yet waking vision
To yield familiar charms again.
Save that for dome and turret hoary,
Amid the central valley lies

A white church-spire unknown to story,
And smoke-wreaths from a cottage rise.

On Holyoke's summit woods are frowning,
No line of cypresses we see,
Nor convent old with beauty crowning
The heights of sweet Fiesole.

Yet here may willing eyes discover
The art and life of every shore,
For Nature bids her patient lover

All true similitudes explore.

These firs, when cease their boughs to quiver,
Stand like pagodas Brahmins seek,
Yon isle, that parts the winding river,
Seems modelled from a light caique.
And ferns that in these groves are hidden,
Are sculptured like a dainty frieze,
While choral music steals unbidden,
As undulates the forest breeze.
A gothic arch and springing column,
A floral-dyed, mosaic ground,
A twilight shade and vista solemn

In all these sylvan haunts are found.
And now this fragile garland weaving
While ebbs the musing tide away,
As one a sacred temple leaving,

Some tribute on its shrine would lay,

I bless the scenes whose tranquil beauty
Have cheered me like the sense of youth,
And freshened lonely tasks of duty,
The dream of love and zest of truth.
Graham's Magazine.


LADY COVENTRY.-This is the lady of whom Horace Walpole says, "At a great supper the other night at Lord Hertford's, if she was not the best humored creature in the world, I should have made her angry. She said in a very vulgar accent if she drank any more she should be muckibus ; Lord,' said Lady Mary Coke, what is that?'Oh, it is Irish for sentimental.'"-Letters, vol. 1, P. 498.


liaisons with Lord Metcalfe, and offered sympathy to the British American League. By turns they courted and assailed Lord Stanley, Lord Grey and We have arrived at the second stage of the Mr. Gladstone; and they have held their leaguers Canadian rebellion, or insurrection, or revolution, in terrorem over the public and the colonial office or whatever it is to be called. But as we omitted alternately. No wonder they should have felt to make any comment upon the intelligence brought themselves disconcerted by this Kingston proby the mail before last, we must go back a little gramme. For how should Stanleyites countein our narrative to make the existing state of nance the project of a federal union among all the affairs intelligible. British American colonies? what hope of Lincolnites assenting to protection? and how remote the possibility of getting anything substantial from such poor allies, toward the two millions for the clearance of Celts out of Ireland. They poohpoohed their old friends of the League, therefore, with as little mercy as the men of the stars and stripes.

The delegates of the British American League, after threats and placardings of a very ominous description, met a few weeks ago at Kingston, appointed a permanent central committee to hold its sittings in Montreal, and resolved to institute branch committees in every township. They moreover resolved that missionaries should be sent to the sister colonies to preach the duty of joining Such was the condition of affairs when the last the League. Finally, they resolved that the reës-mail brought intelligence of another riot at Montablishment of protection, the promotion of public treal. Some leaders of the mob who burnt down economy, and the restriction of French influence, the Houses of Assembly having been placed under should be the objects of the League. And having government prosecution for their share in that issued a manifesto exhorting all Canadians to join transaction, a crowd of some three hundred symtheir banner, and declaring that their grand pur-pathizers attacked the house of the attorney genpose was to put an end to sectional animosities, (by arraying English against French,) the delegates adjourned.

This result sorely mortified two parties, whose expressions of disappointment have been ludicrous enough. The American sympathizers, annexationists of the States, had made up their minds that the discontented Britishers were about to throw themselves into the arms of the Union; and to men with voices pitched for a solemn Io Paan over the progress of republican principles, the conclusion of the leaguers was of course very lame and impotent. They lost no time in denouncing their malcontent friends in Canada as deplorably below par.

The other discontented party is a knot of speculators here. A political party we can scarcely call them, though they work by political intrigue; seeing that among them are both whigs and tories, free-traders and protectionists. It might be nearer the truth to call them a club of London ship-owners, speculators in colonial lands, and evicting Irish landlords; for to clear one's estates of poor and troublesome tenants, to find employment for one's rickety ships, or to earn an honest penny on the sale of colonial waste lands, will make men, upon occasion, as unexceptionable patriots as their neighbors. Nor the less so, when the possibility of a government loan or grant, at a little distance, helps to keep the scent hot and keen. Beauharnois Seignory was first set up as the nucleus of operations; but to bring all the waste lands of Canada into the net, and transfer to them all the Celtic population of Ireland, became the ultimate objects of exertion. Our versatile agitators started by professing the faith as it is in Wakefield; but so modified their creed from time to time to suit new converts, that little of it remains but the words emigration and colonization. They coquetted with the French Canadians, formed



eral, Mr. Lafontaine; when the latter, with the
assistance of a party of friends, gave them what is
called a warm reception. One ruffian was shot,
and the rest ran away-revenging themselves after
their flight by secret acts of incendiarism.
whole affair was of the most contemptible charac-
ter; but it suggests grave necessities for an in-
stant reform in the police administration of Canada,
and it is likely to be of service in putting a wider
distinction than hitherto between the rational and
irrational "conservatism" of the province. The
proceedings of the League at Kingston had been
contributing to precisely the same end.

It is ridiculous to suppose that the exertions or results of such an association could continue to be confined to local and electioneering objects, having in view the reëstablishment of protection for Canadian timber, and, under some modified form, the revival of the old jobbing ascendency in the local government. It is too late in the day to reconvert Canada into a mere field for the operations of half a dozen London houses speculating in ships, in timber, and in government jobbery. These may have been the aims of the leading organizers of the British American League, but they cannot be the consequences of its organization. The utter impossibility of reëstablishing the protective system will soon banish that article from the League's confession of faith. There will then remain the economical administration of government, and the incorporation of all the British American provinces into a federal union. These are now but empty words in the mouths of the leaders of the association, but they are truths earnestly desired by many of their duped followers; and to their realization the exertions of the existing government of Canada are tending quite as clearly as the uneasy movements of its adversaries. It is not many years since Lord John Russell made the statesmanlike avowal that it was our duty to prepare

the Canadas for a separation, when that should prosperous countries of common origin on that become inevitable; and the only proper training Northern American continent: the one embracing to this great end is the exercise of responsible the present British territories, and possibly the government. Lord Elgin had manfully proclaimed this principle, and throughout his administration of affairs has acted upon it honestly and ably.

New England States; the other, the Northern and Western States of the present North American Union. This is a natural necessity. Great Britain would be a gainer, not a loser by it; and that the consummation may be brought about in a friendly spirit, without the intervention of émeutes or wars, is plainly both the interest and duty of the British people and the British government, as well as of the whole Anglo-Norman population on the other side of the Atlantic.

From the Examiner, 8 Sept.

The objects which the great liberal party, not only in Canada, but in all the British provinces of North America, have secretly or avowedly at heart, are none other than economical government, and a federal union of the colonies. In plain English, they desire the resumption of waste lands; the introduction of a scale of remuneration for public servants adapted to the social circumstances of the colonies, not, as at present, to those of the mother country; and the organization of a central indeLORD PALMERSTON'S HUNGARIAN POLICY. pendent government. We do not assert that these objects are at this moment as broadly and distinctly IT is but natural that the same parties who present in the minds of the provincialists as we have have done all in their power to misrepresent the represented them; but to that point they will in- Hungarian cause, should desire to make us believe evitably come. It was about the year 1750 that that the relations which subsisted between HunFranklin prepared a federal union of the then ex-gary and the house of Austria have never, before isting British colonies in America, which, dropping the late events, been an object of solicitude to the important article of dependence on the British British diplomacy. But the Times, in its eagercrown, is the exact counterpart of the constitution ness to attack Lord Palmerston, has forgotten altoultimately adopted by the United States. Frank-gether the prominent part taken in past times by lin did not foresee that this constitution of 1750 British diplomatists, when there was an occasion necessarily implied and led to independence; but for their good offices with regard to those relait did so. From the moment he gave shape in that document, to the vague wishes of his countrymen, and that its principles laid hold on the public imagination, the separation of the provinces from England was inevitable. It would have taken place without the intervention of the deplorable Stamp Act or Boston Leaguer, and even though George Grenville had never been born.


In 1703 the Hungarians, unable any longer to endure the civil and religious tyranny of the house of Hapsburg, rose under the leadership of Francis Rákótzy, the second of that name; and a war of eight years' duration ensued, which was terminated by the peace of Szathmar in 1711, by which the Hungarians returned to their allegiance to the The British North American provinces are not house of Hapsburg, on condition of a complete far from having attained the same stage of social amnesty and a solemn engagement to respect their development to which the "old thirteen" had constitutional rights. During the course of this arrived in 1750. The first step towards the erec-war, the exertions of British envoys-Lord Suthertion of the British North American provinces into an independent state has been taken. The men of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, the Hudson's Bay territory, and the islands of the St. Lawrence, will sooner or later be self-governed, like the men of England and the United States. They also are essentially English; but with important local differences of character. They differ from the men of the mother country in their American peculiarities; and from those of the United States in the sentiments inherited from the French founders of Canada, from the loyalist refugees of Acadia, and from the retired military and naval officers and Scotch Highlanders settled in the upper province. Their peculiar and valuable national spirit would be as much endangered by annexation to the government at Washington, as by complete subjection to the government at Saint James'.

Social necessities, and the healthy progress of mankind, require two independent states in North America. It is impossible to foresee the exact course of events; but there can be little doubt that in time the world will see two great and

land, the son-in-law of the Duke of Marlborough, and the Hon. George Stepney-to restore peace between the contending parties, were unremitting. Not merely did the British and Dutch envoys, acting in unison, address themselves in writing to Rákótzy; but they took part personally, as mediators, in the negotiations at the convention of Tyrnau, which took place about the middle of the war. The Hungarian confederates long held out for a guarantee of the peace on the part of the maritime powers; and that it actually took place without such a guarantee may be attributed principally to the apparent moderation and good faith of Joseph I., which, while it weakened the patriotic party by detaching from it many of its adherents, at the same time rendered those who remained firm, more willing to rely upon the royal word, without any guarantee of foreign powers.

But there is no need to look into history to justify any protest that Lord Palmerston may have made, against the violation of the Hungarian territory by Russian troops. Even if there was no other " express solicitation of the parties interested," yet the Hungarians, (whom we venture to

pronounce parties interested,) in their declaration it must be, if we follow the Times) to mean the


and manifestoes, distinctly called upon all the con-
stitutional powers of Europe, not to look with in-
difference upon events which must seriously affect
the balance of power and the existence of consti-
tutional principles in Europe. And the gravity
of the case might well justify a solemn protest,
upon the part of a constitutional government,
against a state of things in which not merely the
balance of European power was endangered by the
intervention of Russia, but European civilization
was disgraced by a method of carrying on war
worthy of the most barbarous ages, under the ex-
press sanction of Austrian generals. In the opin-
ion of the Times it is evident, that such "an in-
terference was equally insulting to the Austrian
government and to the Hungarian people."
if such an interference-if the recommendation to
turn back from a suicidal career-be considered
insulting by the Austrian government, we think
the latter must have already discovered that the
interference of the Emperor of all the Russias, to
which it must henceforth submit, is far more so.sition, has had the moral courage to stand forward
What must be thought of the manner in which the
czar addresses Paskiewitch?

overthrow of existing independence, and the sub-
stitution of military despotism for civil government
then the sacrifice of such connections is one that
cannot be lamented by the people of England.
is a truth which Demosthenes enunciated long
ago, that for a free state the only durable alliances
are those with free states, and that alliances with
despotic governments are in their nature precarious
and unstable.


By acting with unequalled discretion in a rebellious country you, general, have safely, and with inconsiderable loss, effected the object proposed. The chief commander and the dictator of the Hungarians surrendered to you.

The important successes of our victorious army will doubtlessly lead to the restoration of legal power and order in Hungary.

The very existence of Austrian generals and of an Austrian army is almost ignored. Can anything be conceived more contemptuous, more insulting, to an august ally?"


Whatever may be the present discomfiture of liberal opinions, whatever the immediate triumph of military despotism, we have full faith that ultimately "public opinion, and especially the moral force of this country, will triumph over charges of cavalry and rounds of artillery all over the world.” Years of suffering may, perhaps, have first to be passed through; but the nations of Europe, sooner or later, will have to mark out the accomplices of those tyrants that have crushed their aspirations for freedom, and they will not then fail to do justice to a minister who, in despite of a factious oppo

in defence of the great principles of self-government and constitutional freedom. And this, too, at a time when the most determined efforts are

being made to confuse the fundamental notions of right and wrong; to designate the defence of existing liberties as a rebellion against legitimate authority; to represent the perfidy of sovereigns as their natural and indefeasible policy; to show that freedom and order are best secured by courts-martial; to brand the patriotism of Kossuth by the epithet of “infamous ;" and to exalt the hangman Haynau into a military hero.

From the Examiner, 8th Sept. ARE THE HUNGARIANS PROTECTIONISTS? How the interference referred to by the Times could be considered "insulting to the Hungarian ONE of the latest misstatements of the Times people," we are at a loss to conceive; but we concerning the leading Hungarian Liberals is, that think that the Hungarian people will consider the" they were the founders of a protective league, or manner in which it is spoken of by the Times, in-association, for the exclusive consumption of native sulting, and that in the highest degree. The manufactures, which can only be supported by proTimes proceeds to say, "It was precisely the same hibitive duties on the produce of other parts of the thing as an appeal from M. de Lamartine or Gen- Austrian empire, as well as of foreign couneral Cavaignac would have been, in favor of the tries." Irish insurgents just after the battle of Ballin- Now here a fact is stated which is in itself garry." Thus the legality of the absurd Irish true, and yet, from the manner in which it is outbreak and that of the Hungarian war are placed stated, is completely calculated to mislead Euupon the same footing. Kossuth is degraded to ropean opinion with regard to the motives and the level of Smith O'Brien; and the glorious cam-intentions of the "leading Hungarian Liberals." paigns of Görgey and Bem, of Dembinski and The Hungarians, perfectly aware that it is their Klapka, are compared to the "battle of Ballin-policy to avail themselves of the capabilities of garry." This is, indeed, most gratuitously to their country for the production of raw materials, insult a nation which has been struggling in defence of its rights against two empires, and has only at last fallen under the shock of the most overpowering numbers.

and to exchange their produce for the superior manufactures of foreign countries, have always been opposed to the restrictive system of the Austrian government, from the time of Maria Theresa But the truth comes out. By expressing opin-downward. But the efforts of the Hungarian ions favorable to constitutional principles we Diet were unavailing; and the Hungarians were sacrifice connections which have been, and may subjected, in a commercial point of view, to all the again be, of essential interest to the independence disadvantages, without enjoying any of the advanand liberty of all nations." If " the independence tages, that might have arisen from a connection and liberty of all nations" is to be interpreted (as with the hereditary states of Austria. On the one


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