RETRIBUTION: OR, THE VALE OF SHADOWS. A Tale of Passion. By Emma D. E. Nevitt Southworth. New York: Harper & Brothers. This volume, which first appeared as a serial in the Era, revised and enlarged, forms No. 130 of the Library of Select Novels, published by the Harpers. The series includes the writings of Bul A few short years and then Where are the hopes that shone When youth with flowers enwreathed the hours, wer, Bremer, James, Andersen, Jerrold, and How And earth had but one music tone Of joy for us and ours? The rainbow's hues, More stable are than they. A few short years-and then Where is the ad'mant chain That passion wrought, and madly thought The filmy threads at e'en A firmer bond had been. A few short years-and then That rose so high against the sky, By children for their play; May vaunt a surer stay. A few short years and then Where is the mighty grief That wrung the heart with torture's art, And made it feel that its relief Time's hand could ne'er impart ? Then left the heaven more clear; A few short years-and then itt, and other distinguished writers of fiction; but it may well be doubted whether, in terseness of diction, searching analysis of character, intensity of passion, and power of description, any one of them can be regarded as superior to this production of our countrywoman. Without being liable to the charge of imitation, " Retribution" reminds us of Jane Eyre, and the later productions of that school. It has their strength and sustained intensity, while it embodies, as they can scarcely be said to do, an important moral lesson. It is well called a Tale of Passion. Painfully intense, its heat scorches as we read. Some of its scenes are overdrawn; mind and heart revolt and protest against those terrific outbursts of passion, on the part of the beautiful fiend, who drags down in her fatal embrace the proud, self-deceived statesman. There are a few feeble passages, and some extravagant ones. But, as a whole, we do not hesitate to say, that it is worthy of a place with Brockden Brown's Wieland, Arthur Mervyn, and Edgar Huntley, the only American romances with which we can properly compare it. It cannot fail to be widely read, and we doubt not its success will warrant its author in the entire devotion of her extraordinary powers to a department of literature which, under the influence of a well-principled mind, a generous heart, and healthful sympathies, may be made the medium of teaching lessons of virtue and honor, the Christian duty of self-denial, and heroic devotion to the right and the true, but which has been too often the channel through which impure fancies, stimulants to already over-excited passions, enervating the body and poisoning the soul, have been sent forth on their errands of evil. J. G. W. [AGAINST RASH JUDGMENTS.] "ALAS! how unreasonable as well as unjust a thing it is for any to censure the inwards of another, when we see that even good men are not able to dive through the mystery of their own! Be assured there can be but little honesty, without thinking as well as possible of others; and there can be no safety without thinking humbly and distrustfully of ourselves."-Dean Young, vol. 1, p. 230. From the London Times, Oct. 2. TURKEY AND RUSSIA. THE issue of the Hungarian war has been followed by consequences for which we were wholly unprepared; and which threaten to disturb, if not the peace of Europe, at least the amicable relations of the western courts of Europe with that of St. Petersburg. There seems to be no reason for doubting that the Russian ambassador at St. Petersburg has made a formal deinand of the Porte does exist between Russia and Turkey, by which Turkey is bound to give up Russian refugees, the same treaty would compel Russia to surrender Turkish refugees to the demands of the Porte. If this be not the state of the case, and Turkey be bound to make concessions which she is not entitled to exact, then the position in which she stands to Russia is not that of an ally, but of a dependent. This would be the case if the refugees who had crossed the Turkish frontier, and domiciled them for the surrender of the Hungarian revolutionists selves on Turkish soil, were Russian subjects. who took refuge within its territories. There But in what relation do the two powers appear to seems to be just as little reason for doubting that each other, when the exiles whose bodies Russia the demand has been rejected, and that the Rus- demands are aliens, whose subjection she does not sian ambassador has received orders from his own pretend to claim, and whose homage she has no court to quit Constantinople immediately. Should right to enforce? If any power has a right to these reports prove to be as well founded as we make this claim, it is Austria; and Austria could believe them to be, a rupture between the Porte do it only by virtue of treaties. The Emperor and the court of St. Petersburg is at hand, which of Russia has no more right to do so than the Em will very possibly terminate in a general European war. On the course pursued by Russia on this occasion it is hardly necessary to dilate. There can be but one opinion upon it, whether it be regarded in its relation to the comity or to the equity of nations. It transgresses, it tramples on, both. It violates the established rules by which the intercourse of civilized countries has been heretofore guided. It perils the peace of Europe while it violates its laws. We can the more easily afford to speak thus of Russian policy, because we have supported it in the recent Austrian dissensions. But the present aspect of Russia is a very different affair. She appears in a character, for which, if there be precedent, there is no justification. In the demand which she now makes upon the Turkish court, Russia asserts a right of interference which has never yet been accorded to any nation. She actually seeks to extort from Turkey a violation of that which has always been considered a law binding on all civilized communities. The very admission of foreigners into any state-whatever be their description is a guarantee that the sovereign of that state will extend to them the rights of native subjects. This generally understood law can be neutralized or modified only by special contract. "The sovereign," says Vattel, " ought not to grant an entrance into his state for the purpose of drawing foreigners into a snare; as soon as he admits them, he engages to protect them as his own subjects, and to afford them perfect security as far as depends upon himself." (Book II., peror of China-unless it be on the faith of some clause in the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, or on the faith of the weakness and helplessness which suggested and dictated that strange compact. This is the true solution of the problem. Russia is strong and the Porte is weak. Russia exacts with the view of obtaining a servile concession or provoking an unequal conflict. The answer of the Porte has been worthy of its former greatness. The morality of Moslem shames the profligacy of Christian morals. The Hungarian refugees are beaten, vanquished men. As such, they are entitled to the pity of all nations. They are strangers, seeking the hospitality of a people with whom hospitality is an article of religious faith. As such, to abandon them would be an act of impiety as well as of inhumanity. The Porte will not surrender the exiles who have thrown themselves on her soil, even to the powerful sovereign who can bring into the field 700,000 men. Stripped of nearly all her strength-with little but the traditions of her past splendor remaining-distracted from within and menaced from without-Turkey still clings firmly to the noblest article of her faith, and holds it like a shield over the helpless and the humbled, against the autocrat of the strongest empire in the world. And the power which does this is the ally-the ancient ally of England. True, we have not always behaved to her either with the honesty or the affection of allies. There have been untoward events in our relations which we should take an opportunity of repairing. She is the ally also of chap. 8.) If there has been any clause in a treaty France. France, too, has a reputation to repair. either secret or avowed by which refugees are to The two countries have blustered and declaimed be mutually given up by each of the contracting much about upholding the liberties and civilization powers, then this general law is specially abro- of the world. The time has now come when these gated. But, in the first place, these treaties, for promises should be made good and these boastings the most part, refer to felonious crimes, which it justified. The question is, shall we, or shall we is the interest of all civil societies to punish, and not, abandon an ancient ally and acquiesce in an not to political misconduct, of which a foreign arrogant dictation which insults all the states of state can hardly be supposed to be a judge. In Europe? Having decided what is the proper the second place, they make the mutuality a con- course to take, shall we content ourselves with dition of the contract. So that, supposing a treaty peddling protests and peaceful jeremiads? On our decision and our action hang the immediate | Canning has carevally abstained from implicating fate of Turkey, and it may be the prospective des- the home government directly in a foreign dispute, tinies of India and of England herself. From the Times, Oct. 3. Her majesty's ministers, suddenly and specially convoked from their various pursuits or retirement in different parts of the kingdom, held a cabinet council yesterday, at the Foreign office, which was umerously attended. At this unwonted season of the year, the fact that a cabinet has been summoned by direction of Lord Palmerston for the despatch of serious business, is a sufficient indication of the importance attached by that minister to the late occurrences at Constantinople; for we believe that the threatening state of the relations he has given his opinion and his counsel in a manner which claims the entire sanction of his sovereign and of Britain. It is stated that the Turkish minister of foreign affairs addressed to the English and French ambassadors several momentous questions, after the receipt of the Russo-Austrian ultimatum. These questions were answered by a collective note, in which Sir S. Canning and General Aupick affirmed that the treaties of KutshnkKaimarji, and of Passarowitch, do not justify the demands for the surrender of the Polish and Hungarian fugitives; that the refusal of the Porte would, therefore, not amount to a breach of these treaties, or to a lawful cause of war; that the assist between Russia and the Porte, and the last de-ance of the armed forces of France and England, spatches received from Sir Stratford Canning, are the sole cause of this deliberation of the government. The promptitude with which this call on the responsible advisers of the crown has been made and obeyed, augurs well for the spirit which ought to govern their resolutions in such an emergency, and we trust that the next few hours will send forth to Constantinople the fullest assurances that, if these menacing and unjust demands of Russia are to be enforced by more menacing and injurious acts on the part of the Northern power, they will have awakened in the government, as well as in the people of England, a determination to show that such pretexts are ill chosen to cover an aggression on the sultan's independence. That independence has been placed, by repeated acts of the diplomacy of Europe, under the joint protection and recognition of all the powers; and if ever there was a moment when it could not be assailed without peculiar ignominy, it is when the Porte invokes the rights and usages of nations for the protection of defeated fugitives, intent only on escape from the scene of an unsuccessful contest. in the event of war, could not be promised without special instructions, but that these states would readily proffer their mediation to avert a rupture between the Porte and the two emperors. At this stage the matter rests. Prince Radzivil immediately set out for St. Petersburg, and will be followed thither by Fuad Effendi, charged to explain to the Emperor Nicholas the scruples of the Divan, so that at the very moment the British government is called upon to decide upon the course it may hereafter have to pursue in the East, the Russian cabinet is resolving the question of peace or war. It is impossible not to be struck by the extreme inadequacy of the cause which has given rise to this turmoil. A few enthusiastic Magyar patriots, who have outlived a struggle which has been more fatal to their country than to themselves, and who appear to have ended in plunder what began in imposture, have taken refuge under the guns of the fortress of Widden, accompanied by certain Polish soldiers of fortune, who have participated freely in every civil broil of the last eighteen To intimidate and to degrade the sultan and his months. These men have obviously no object but ministers into the commission of a mean action, at to effect their escape through Turkey to the West the command of a Russian aide-de-camp, is an out- of Europe, where their delusions and their conrage which might have been spared by the sov-spiracies may ferment at a vast distance from their ereign of one empire to that of another; and in native scenes of action. To intercept such fugithis instance Europe will acknowledge that the tives would seem more embarrassing than useful principles of honor, humanity and civilization, claim her support for Turkey against pretensions dictated either by the cruelty of revenge or the designs of a still darker policy. It is most fortunate that, at such a crisis, the British ambassador at Constantinople should be a man whose sedate character, unshaken firmness, and long experience, command the profound respect, not only of all parties in this country, but of all nations abroad. Sir Stratford Canning is not an envoy to be moved to rash or inconsiderate actions; he represents, with the greatest authority, the stable and dignified policy of this country, and if he is ever led to take a great resolution, it is by some positive interest and some great emergency. It becomes the country, therefore, to give its unre even to their enemies, for we cannot credit Prince Radzivil's brutal threat of a wholesale execution of the band. Turkey may be bound not to harbor the mortal enemies of Russia or Austria on their respective frontiers, but all that is asked for these persons is leave to depart; in fact, their removal from the Ottoman dominions would terminate the quarrel, just as the departure of Louis Napoleon from a Swiss canton put an end some years ago to the menacing requisition of the French for his immediate expulsion. But when we consider how paltry and unreal the cause is for which so much wrath has been put on; when we observe that, instead of having recourse to the more subtle influences of Russia, which are not unknown at Constantinople, Prince tunity and these means to fasten a quarrel on the Turkish empire for its own purposes. The nature of the assistance given by Russia to Austria in the Hungarian war, has effectually paralyzed the opposition she would heretofore have encountered in that quarter. France is too much engrossed at home and in Italy to embark on a very bold and energetic course of foreign policy; and Mr. Cob served support to an ambassador who enjoys our Radzivil delivered his message in the tone of a unreserved confidence; and though Sir Stratford | bully and the terms of a challenge, and thereby rendered it impossible for the Porte to comply with case England would coöperate with France. This such demands without grievous humiliation, we feeling did not arise, at least in the eyes of rational cannot entirely divest ourselves of the apprehension and fair men, out of any belief of insincerity on that the Russian government has taken this oppor- the part of England; but it was doubted whether the English government would be supported by public opinion in England in any measures showing a determination to resist to the last the pretensions of the czar. The French government naturally hesitated at the chance of being drawn into a quarrel with Russia, being then left alone to sustain it, and acting single-handed. These fears, considering what is to be done at home, can scarcely den's late absurdities, added to many fruitless and be blamed. It is necessary to observe that the feeble passages in our own foreign policy, have proceedings of the Peace Congress in England of vengeance against la perfide Albion-a coadju- | perfectly conscious all along that they stood comtor who will infallibly aid them, sooner or later, mitted as deeply as ourselves; the French and to wipe out the mortifying recollections of Water- English ambassadors having pledged their respecloo. Thus, M. de Lamartine, in his "History of the Revolutions of 1848," maintains that only two modes of forming a French system" were open either to the government of the restoration, or to his own. France might unite with Austria against Russia and England, or with Russia against England and Austria. raised doubts abroad as to the efficacy and sincerity of Britain. These temptations to reënter upon the favorite scene of Russian aggression had long ago been pointed out; we know not even now to what extent the Emperor of Russia is disposed to follow them; but certainly the tenor of Prince Radzivil's commission, and the subsequent ultimatum, lead to no other conclusion than that a course of policy adverse and insulting to Turkey may be pursued to actual hostility. If these intentions have been entertained at St. Petersburg, and if this quarrel has been sought for a more sinister purpose than even the sacrifice of a few poor refugees, the moment is come when the vigorous and united action of England and France is the best chance of averting war. On a less striking occasion, Lord Palmerston proposed that the combined fleets should take up their position within the Dardanelles; and the rejection of that scheme by France was held to be the source of her subsequent miscarriage in 1840. Louis Napoleon is bound in an especial manner to let no such opportunity slip again. He has lived the life of an exile under the protection of those very usages which are now violated by despotism on the track of revenge; and Switzerland did for him what Turkey is still proud enough and strong enough to do for other victims of political agitation. Whatever, then, the mature resolutions of the court of St. Petersburg may be on the receipt of the refusal of the Porte, the resolutions of the faithful allies of the sultan will not, we hope, be less firm or less effective. To abandon the Turkish Divan, would be to abandon our own principles, our own envoy, and the future integrity of the Ottoman empire; but if this cause be maintained with the spirit and dignity which it requires, there is great reason to believe that the pretensions of the Emperor of Russia will subside, and an affair which has had a formidable commencement, may still be brought to a pacific termination. From the Times, Oct. 5. Paris, Oct. 4, Р. М. I believe I can assure you, on the best authority, that the French and English governments are decided in acting together to the last in the affairs of Constantinople. I noticed a day or two ago the existence of a feeling here, not exactly of mistoast, but of doubt, as to whether in the extreme and in Paris, led parties here to suppose that, on no account, and in no cause, would the English people approve of their government having recourse to extreme measures. The unanimous opinion of the press in England, however, and particularly that portion of it which is known to give faithful expression to public opinion, has removed all hesitation on that score. It is now believed that though John Bull may have little objection to occupy his leisure hours, or to vary the monotony of commercial pursuits, by a little harmless theory, yet the old spirit of the Saxon is still alive as ever, and that it wants only some act of outrageous and manifest wrong, on the part of a powerful despot against a weak and inoffensive neighbor, to call forth the ancient energy of his character and his love of fair play. The French government seem now convinced that England will be true to herself and to France, to the last, in this quarrel of injustice; and the instructions addressed to the French minister at St. Petersburg are, I am told, not a whit less energetic than those which, I presume, have been addressed to the English ambassador. There is reason, however, to hope that the affair will terminate otherwise than in a hostile manner, and that the Emperor of Russia will be convinced not only of the injustice of his pretensions in the present instance, but that it is his interest at this moment, as much as that of any other sovereign, not to do anything that would again throw Europe into confusion or war. The decided attitude of the two governments of France and England will convince the emperor that his pretensions will not be tolerated with impunity. The divided state of parties in France renders her action more difficult; why, it is superfluous to say. But the existence of these difficulties will not, I believe, deter her in such a cause, or prevent her from joining frankly with a friendly government in resistance to injustice. From the London Chronicle, 5 Oct. The feelings of the French towards Russia form a curious anomaly amongst popular tendencies, and a remarkable illustration of national character. The colossal power of the czar dazzles them ; their imagination is irresistibly captivated by the notion of a sovereign ruling over thirty degrees of latitude by the simple declaration of his will; and many think they see in him a chosen instrument In the first case, France would have obtained developments in Savoy, in Switzerland, and in the Rhenish provinces of Prussia, by concessions to Austria in Italy, and on the Lower Danube, and on the shores of the Adriatic. In the second case, France would have stifled Austria between herself and Russia. She could have spread freely in Italy, retaken Belgium and the frontiers of the Rhine, tive nations to back the Sublime Porte in every way short of an armed intervention, for which, as they said, it was of course impossible for them to engage without special instructions for the purpose. We note this seeming indifference as a phenomenon well deserving the grave attention of Lord Palmerston. We by no means infer from that, on the present occasion, the cause of justice and humanity will be abandoned by the French government, which, it is understood, has approved the line taken by General Aupick, and intimated its readiness to coöperate with England for the protection of the Porte. We retain, however, our original opinion, that there is but little cause to and gained influence in Spain. Constantinople, the apprehend an actual rupture. It is very seldom, Black Sea, the Dardanelles, the Adriatic, conceded indeed, that a declaration of war follows a delibto Russian ambition, would have insured her these erate conference of ambassadors, or a timely refaugmentations of territory. The Russian alli-erence to courts; and the judicious course followed ance! it is the cry of nature; it is the revolution by the sultan, in throwing the chief responsibility of geography; it is the war alliance for the eventu- of his refusal on Sir Stratford Canning and Gen alities of the future of two great races; it is the equilibrium of peace by two great weights at the extremities of the continent, comprising the middle, and exiling England, like a satellite power, to the ocean and Asia. eral Aupick, is his security. We must give them credit for requiring the fullest information as to facts and documents before answering the question; and it is, therefore, most important to observe that, in their opinion, "the treaties of Kutschah-Kaynardi and Passarowitch do not confer on Austria and Russia the right of demanding the extradition of the Hungarian refugees." We assume, for the sake of argument, that each emperor, in point of form, demanded only his own subjects; and we say that the utmost they can demand, jointly or severally, under the treaties, or under any recognized doctrine of international law, is, that the fugitives shall not be harbored in Turkey. The last advices from New York state that Bem It never appears to have so much as suggested itself to this apostle of liberty, equality, and fraternity, that alliances or combinations of this kind take rank, in morals, with the partition of Poland; nor, we believe, would they be repudiated for that reason by his countrymen. The spirit in which he writes is emphatically their spirit. It explains General Lamoriciere's late abortive mission to St. Petersburg, which would otherwise seem made for the express purpose of inviting the marked insult to the president and the republic which it brought down upon them. It also explains the otherwise and Dembinsky were expected in the United States; unaccountable calmness or tameness with which and the gordian knot will probably be untied, by the news from Turkey has been received in Paris suffering them and their companions to leave Widbeyond the immediate precincts of the Bourse. din without beat of drum, and quietly embark on Where are the friends of the oppressed races of board some French, English, or American vessel the great European family? What has become in the Bosphorus. There is no necessity for bringof the philanthropic democrats, who so lately ing matters to extremities, nor for driving the rivalled Anacharsic Clootz in the extravagance czar to throw, Brennus-like, his sword into the and cosmopolitan character of their demonstrations? Surely, all cannot have followed the fortunes of M. Ledru Rollin! Are they reluctant to uphold the sultan, because they have assailed the president for restoring the Pope! And do the legitimists, on their side, shrink from the antithesis of contemporaneously defending both the Cross and the Crescent? Not a single interpellation has been addressed to M. de Tocqueville; nor, with rare exception, has the affair formed the prominent subject of discussion in any of the journals which are regarded as the organs of the leading parties. This looks very much as if no party-republican, legitimist, Orleanist, Bonapartist, or socialistwas particularly eager to commit itself against Russia, even in a cause appealing to the warmest sympathies of an impulsive and excitable people. At the same time, they must have been scale. The sultan has done no more than duty and honor required of him in saving these unhappy men from death, or (worse than death) Siberian exile; and if (which remains to be proved) the imperial demand is only the first step in a scheme of aggression, which is to end in reducing him to the condition of a viceroy, his firm and chivalrous resistance, backed by the universal sense of justice in mankind, can hardly fail to cause the indefinite postponement, or, most probably, the eventual abandonment, of the scheme. From the Daily News, Oct. 5. The Emperor of Russia has evidently been misled into his outrageous and impolitic challenge to the Porte by the vile flatterers who, in his own court, and in our press, belauded his magnanimity, extolled his military prowess and skill, and gave |