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with Dante, and extended over the principal works and much of the popular literature of every living language. His chief worship was paid to Goethe, but he freely blamed his Italian Travels, his Wilhelm Meister's Years of Travel, and others of his later works, in which he thought that a worldly and sneering spirit prevailed. He liked Scott's and Cooper's novels, but on his death-bed he got tired of the diffuseness of one of the works of the American writer, and requested Classen to read to him Josephus instead.

We have quoted many expressions which concern his political opinions, but to a great extent we must leave them in the obscurity in which we find them. He was through life an alarmist, and time must show whether he was right in crying aloud, or the world in not regarding him. For the last ten years of his life he was unalterably convinced that an age of barbarism was returning. Even earlier he prophesied the extinction of the great rival churches; of Protestantism with its heartless abstractions, and of Popery with its effete falsehoods but he acknowledged that in England Christianity stood unmovable (felsenfest.) It is remarkable that he should have been accused of connexion with revolutionary societies, and that the paternal wisdom of the enlightened government of Austria should have proscribed his Kleine Schriften; nevertheless that his name should even yet be a mark for abuse to the theoretical enthusiasts of freedom. The truth was that he clung to constitutional rights,—if plebeian, from sympathy,—if aristocratic, from principle, but still to something founded on custom and history, which is always the common terror of the Jacobin and the despot. He had suffered much annoyance through life from the paltry insolence of oligarchy: even in Rome he was indebted to the respect paid him by the high-born French ambassador, Count de Blacas, for his exemption from the contempt or condescension of his fellowdiplomatists. Yet he was firmly convinced that equality can make no resistance to despotism, and that a privileged class is the only permanent guardian of freedom. He would never accept the predicate of nobility, and remembered with pride that his father had refused it before him. "Do you think I would insult my family, as if I was too good for them?" said

independent local administration, division of ranks with strict confinement of each to its constitutional functions, religious reverence for the historical constitution, and utter rejection of foreign interference, were the requisites which he demanded in a free state. Representation he valued little except when it had developed itself as in England by degrees from the national wants; and in general he thought that the right of citizens was not to govern except as it might be incidentally necessary to their being well governed. His views are the more important because he stands among his own countrymen almost alone in the preference of experience and practice to theory: they will we hope be more fully known hereafter. In the mean time for many reasons we cordially recommend to our readers the study of his character and opinions.

ARTICLE V.

1. Correspondence relative to the affairs of Canada. Presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty, 1840.

2. Papers respecting Emigration. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed March 10, 1840. No. 113. 3. Correspondence with the Secretary of State relative to New Zealand. Presented to the House of Commons by the Queen's command, in pursuance of an address to Her Majesty of the 8th of April, 1840.

THERE is no subject which attracts a greater share of public interest at present than the plan recently adopted by the government for the management of our colonial lands, and the arrangements made for conducting emigration on the selfsupporting system. Many conflicting statements and exaggerated descriptions have been lately circulated by rival parties interested in directing emigration into particular channels,

portion of our fellow-citizens who have their eyes turned towards our colonial possessions as the place of their future residence; and it may be therefore useful to direct their attention to such sources of information on this subject as appear most worthy of confidence.

Whatever differences of opinion may exist as to the means best calculated to promote the welfare of society in a new colony, it is, we believe, universally allowed that there is nothing which exercises a more powerful influence upon it for good or for evil than the mode adopted for the disposal of waste lands. It is difficult to say whether a careless profusion or a narrow limitation in their distribution is most to be avoided. In the one case large portions of the wilderness are interposed between the settlers, co-operation is prevented, and communication cut off; the creation of markets, the growth of towns, the extension of civilization, are impeded; and the population, detached into small isolated communities, are condemned to remain, perhaps for centuries, in a state of helpless and hopeless existence. On the other hand, if the capitalist be prevented from choosing the situation which he deems most favourable, and if a range of soil be not afforded sufficiently ample for the operations of labour, to compensate for the disadvantages always attendant on a newly settled state, there will not be sufficient inducement offered to him to risk the perils and chances he must be prepared to encounter in his new enterprize, even under circumstances the most encouraging. It is therefore the first duty of a government to determine and fix the golden mean between these two extremes, which will have the effect of keeping society together, and at the same time allow a sufficient degree of expansion in the field of employment for labour. The error that has hitherto prevailed appears to have been on the side of profusion. The difficulties that attended the early colonists can, we think, be generally traced to the great extent of the tracts of land granted to individuals, which made every settler a landowner, and limited the power of production to the feeble efforts of unassisted labour. For this evil the sagacity of William Penn devised a remedy in his settlement of Pennsylvania. When the

of country in consideration of services rendered by admiral Penn, his father, he offered the land for sale at the low price of 408. per 100 acres, and 2s. the 100 acres quit-rent; but, in order to counteract the usual effects of this easy mode of acquisition, he made a regulation that no person should be allowed to settle beyond a certain distance from a place of worship, which compelled the population to remain together.

By an Act of Elizabeth, rogues that were found dangerous to the people were liable to be banished the realm*, and in the reign of Charles II. the judges were empowered to execute, or transport to America for life, the moss-troopers of Cumberland and Northumberland +. Under the provisions of these statutes a great number of convicts were sent out of the country, who were assigned to the early settlers in the American colonies, and by this means and the purchase of slaves they generally endeavoured to counteract the calamities they had all, more or less, experienced in consequence of their dispersed and isolated population.

Notwithstanding the mighty tide of emigration which continued to flow from this country to the colonies from a very early period, there were few parliamentary or administrative proceedings on this momentous question deserving of notice before the years 1826 and 1827, when it was investigated at great length, and a mass of information collected upon it by two committees of the House of Commons, of which Mr. Wilmot Horton was chairman. To these committees the reports of the sessions 1823, 1824 and 1825, on the state of Ireland and the employment of the poor in that country, were referred, and also several petitions and memorials which had been presented to the colonial department from persons desirous of emigrating from the United Kingdom. It appeared to them in 1826, that while there existed a redundant population, which was found to repress industry at home, the prosperity of the colonies would be materially promoted by the reception of this population; but they did "not feel that, in the prose"cution of their examination of this most important and com"paratively unexamined subject, they had either the time or

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"the opportunity to perfect that scope of inquiry which would justify them in offering to the House any specific recom"mendations with respect to the manner in which it might "be convenient to make any experiment of emigration on an "extended scale*." During the years 1823 and 1825 an experimental emigration from Ireland to Canada, supported by parliamentary grants, had been carried into effect. The total expense of that of 1823, including one year's provision for the settlers after location, and other necessaries, amounted to 12,5391. 38., or 221. 1s. 6d. per head, for 568 persons. In 1825, 2024 persons were in like manner removed at an expense of 43,1457., including their location and support until they were enabled to provide for themselves. This expense appeared to have been fully justified by the result of the experiment, for according to a calculation made by Mr. Robinson, the superintendent employed by government to accompany them to Canada, the value of the produce of the first year's labour of the emigrants of 1825 amounted to 11,2727. 88.; a sum equivalent to one-fourth of the expenditure +. The committee, however, were of opinion that any future sum contributed from the national funds for the purpose of emigration should be ultimately repaid, and they entered very fully into the consideration of the various modes by which this object might be attained; but none of the schemes which they proposed for this purpose were carried into effect. In the mean time a very extensive, but altogether unregulated voluntary emigration was flowing into the Canadas. This commenced soon after the final establishment of peace in 1815. In 1817 it amounted to 6976 persons; in 1818 to 8221; in 1819 to 12,907; in 1820 to 11,239; in 1821 to 8056; in 1822 to 10,470; in 1823 to 10,258; and in 1824 it reached the amount of 75,000 persons, three fifths of whom were Irish, and the other two fifths English and Scotch. From that period to the year 1831 the average annual emigration to these colonies amounted to above 20,000 persons in a year, independent of that to the United States. In 1832

*First Report of 1826.

+ Appendix to Second and Third Reports of the Select Committee on Emigra

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