that judgeth me is the Lord.' Observe how he speaks to the Galatians : "Though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than that you have received, let him be accursed.' Notice his warnings to the Colossians: Let no man beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility, and worshipping of angels, and not holding the Head.' See his anticipation, in his Epistle to the Thessalonians, of a strong delusion to believe a lie. Read his caution to Timothy, to hold fast the form of sound words.' The language of St. John is equally strong: 'If there come any unto you, and bring not this doctrine, receive him not into your house, neither bid him God speed; for he that biddeth him God speed, is partaker of his evil deeds.' While St. Jude still more distinctly exhorts the Christians earnestly to contend for the faith once delivered unto the saints.' The conclusion at which I arrive, from these and similar passages, is, that it is our duty unitedly to raise our voice against any prevalent and deadly error; and that we are not clear in the sight of God if we neglect to do this." (pp. 27–29.)

Mr. Wilson then comes to the fourth division of his pamphlet; of which the object is to "state some suggestions as to the mode in which a combined effort for the maintenance of Protestant truth may most advantageously be made."

And here he insists first upon the necessity of those who would unite for objects such as these, "determining the basis of union,” “and laying down the general principles on which they are resolved to act.' It is, we fear, a good deal easier to lay down such principles than to act upon them; and especially in the case of men like those to whom he refers-men resolved to obey the law of their own consciences, and therefore not easily controlled by general principles. The same difficulty would exist in carrying into effect the next suggestion which he offers; viz., to take means for forming a closer bond of union between those who are united in these views of Protestant and Evangelical truth. Even on the subject of Baptism, great difficulties would be found in constructing any such bond of union.

He then goes on to say-and we give this passage in his own clear and forcible words :

"Having laid down the general plan of operation, a certain machinery will be requisite; the more simple it is the better. A general agreement in some well-considered plan of action will be essential at the outset. Perhaps a deputation of two or three leading clergymen or laymen from the principal towns of the kingdom might meet in the metropolis for mutual counsel. A central committee, composed of an equal number of clergy and laity, might then be formed in London. Similar committees might follow throughout the kingdom. Corresponding members with the London Committee would be placed upon each. A ready medium of communication would thus be opened. The object of these committees would be to circulate information; to watch the proceedings of the movement party; to promote petitions, protests, declarations, as from time to time they are required; to summon meetings of a more public character if needful; to be prepared to meet any further attempts at innovation; and generally to exert themselves for the preservation of Protestant truth. All members of these Protestant unions should be required to sign a declaration, stating their views on the points at issue, and their desire to unite in suppressing the progress of Popery among us." (pp. 35, 36.)

After this, he touches upon the necessity of calling in the press and the pulpit to help in the contest; and of adopting all other reasonable measures by which those of the Tractarian party who are from day to day propounding doctrines and pursuing prac

tices which are evidently at war, the one with the Articles of the Church, and the other with its discipline, should be silenced or restrained by those who are officially called to the discharge of this painful but imperative duty.

The movement party complain that there is no discipline in the Church. It might be well to let them feel, in their own case, that the arm of authority is not so absolutely paralyzed as they suppose. If Mr. Dodsworth, or the Dean of Bristol, are to be credited, there is abundant room for strong visitations from the administrators of ecclesiastical justice.

We have now given our readers a pretty full analysis of this short, but important pamphlet. And to the reasoning and statements in the three first divisions of it we do not hesitate to give in our unqualified adhesion. It is as to the fourth part, -the specific means to be adopted in order to meet the acknowledged evil-that we are compelled to speak a little more doubtfully.

us."

In a passage already extracted we find Mr. Wilson saying: "All members of these Protestant Unions should be required to sign a declaration, stating their views of the points at issue, and their desire to unite in suppressing the progress of Popery among This statement supposes, in the first place, "Protestant Church Unions" to be formed; next, that the members of these Unions should give in a written declaration of their co-operation and sympathy with them; and next, that positive means should be adopted for "suppressing" what every true-hearted Protestant must lament and condemn.

Now it is wholly impossible to object to the formation of a quiet Committee in the metropolis, whose eye should be carefully fixed upon the movement party, and who should be prepared to announce to those of their brethren whose sphere of observation might be more limited, the rising of new dangers, the revival of old ones; and the necessity for public, open, united resistance. But we are free to own that we see strong objections to the formation of anything like "Church Unions;" if, by such "unions," is intended anything which answers to those "unions" among the movement party which have been the means of so much mischief.

In the first place, although Bishops have, unhappily, as we think, given their sanction to them, we cannot but regard them as distinctly opposed to the letter and spirit of the Canons of the Church.

In the next place, may we not learn, even from the experience of these very "Church Unions" already formed, how little such alliances are calculated to favour either the progress of truth, or the growth of spiritual religion, in the minds of their members? These Unions have not been, in all cases, the fruits of mere faction and violence. Good and holy menmen who are the truest objects of regard and sympathy-men who have the glory of God, the interests of the Church, and

the welfare of their fellow-men, deeply at heart,—have enlisted themselves in the ranks of these Institutions. But how obviously have these Ecclesiastical corporations, and " churches within a church," ministered rather to extravagance than to truth. How largely have they tended to wean men from devotional studies, from pastoral duties, from all which constitutes a genuine Churchman, and a devout servant of the Lord and Saviour. Till it can be proved that pure gold has come out of this sort of furnace, we cannot wish to set them up amongst ourselves.

If these "unions" lead to public meetings on the subject of religion, then no measure, as we think, is likely to be more fatal to the interests of genuine piety. Into what excesses have the Educational and Baptismal orators been betrayed in their last great public musterings! How have men, hitherto Catholic and charitable, been lashed into violence and bitterness! What a trumpet has been sounded by Mr. Denison! How has the grave, moralizing, hair-splitting Mr. Sewell, been surprised almost into the language of sedition towards a Sovereign whom, we sincerely hope, he loves and honours. His "trumpet" is, indeed, apt to give a somewhat "uncertain sound;" and his friends do not seem, in general, exactly to know in what corner of the field, and on which side, they are likely to hear it. But, on a late occasion, the "sound" was "certain" enough; and men who had come, as they thought, to an assembly of grave Divines, began to question whether they had not unexpectedly got into a company of Red Republicans. And our confident persuasion is, that if the friends of Evangelical truth were to be in like manner congregated in public meetings, where the possibility of religious discussion existed, they would be found, if not as extravagant as their antagonists, yet a great deal more vehement and dogmatic than becomes the cause of truth, and the followers of a meek and lowly Saviour. We have it on an authority which no Churchman will dispute, that "Councils may err, and sometimes have erred, even in things pertaining to God;" and we believe, that, however these councils may be constructed, if they are to meet with open doors, and each man is to express his own mind, temperance and charity will often be violated, and the march of truth rather retarded than advanced. The history of the "Convocation" is a beacon to lesser assemblies of the same character.

We must own for ourselves, that patient waiting upon God; a confidence in His good Providence; zealous labours in our own parishes; deep and constant communion with the poor of our flocks; greater knowledge, variety, earnestness, spirituality, infused into our pulpit ministration; a fuller display, in our own persons and families, of the Christian character; a more absolute expulsion of personal ambition, covetousness, self-indulgence, worldliness from our parsonage-houses; powerful exhibitions of Protestant truth, so pre-occupying the mind as to leave no room for Popish error; a constant "glorying in the cross of Christ,'

and guiding the sinner to Him as to the centre and Sun of our hopes and joys; a far deeper and more constant reference, in all we say and do, to the Blessed Spirit, as the One Great Agent between God and His Church; and, above all, the spirit of earnest, devout, believing prayer,-these, as we believe, are the main instruments by which the warfare is to be carried on; and by the use of which we are to secure the blessing of God, and to convince the world that "He is with us of a truth.' As it appears to us, the movement party have sufficiently proved, by their own recent failures; by the secession of many of their members; by the divisions known to be at this moment prevailing in their camp; by the apostacy of many of their leaders; by their present restlessness, doubts, and deep anxieties,the danger of over action. And the friends of Protestantism have, we believe, in the same proportion, profited by the opposite course of patience, forbearance, silence, and meekness. And their "strength" is, we are firmly persuaded, in this instance, and unless the face of things materially changes, "to sit still;" and to see, as we think they will see, "the salvation of God." Let them keep close to the ark of Scripture and of the Reformation, and they shall, in due time, be carried across the river of controversy, and be landed on the shores of a better country. In the main points of these statements, we are sure that no man will more cordially concur with us than Mr. Wilson. He may be right in recommending more active measures. But, as we remember to have heard his honored father say, at a public meeting, when some reference had been made to the subject of "unfulfilled prophecy,"—" If our dear friends are able to travel faster, I can only regret that I am not able to keep up with them."*

BRIEF NOTICES OF NEW BOOKS.

The History of the Revival and Progress of Independency in England; with an Introduction, &c. &c. By Joseph Fletcher. Snow: London. As this work is dedicated to "Christians of all Communions," we are justified in expressing our sense of the value of the gift thus presented for our acceptance and scrutiny. The work is designed to prove that "Independency" was the mode or form under which Christianity subsisted from the days of Christ to A. D. 167; that from that period to a. D. 324 is to be regarded as the age of " Innovation;" from thence to A. D. 1703, that of "Subversion;" from 1073 to 1517, that of "Despotism"-at which last date the Reformation broke the shackles of mental despotism, gave freedom to

*It is possible, that after all, we have mistaken Mr. Wilson's meaning; and that his object is, not that the Protestant and Evangelical members of the Church should form themselves into "Unions" to resist the threatened evils, but that

they should wait, with arms in their hands, ready for the conflict. In this latter view of things, we cordially concur; and shall be prompt, either to contend alone, or in a body, for the "faith once delivered to the saints."

the human mind, and gradually introduced that system, (if anything without form and void," without laws, government, gradation of ranks, can deserve the name of a system,) of which the perfection is exhibited in the present Congregational Churches of Great Britain.

The first volume is mainly employed in establishing the fact that Independency was the religion of the days of our Lord upon earth, and of His immediate followers; and the three succeeding volumes give us the history of what the Author calls the Revival" of Independency since the Reformation.

We should not despair, if space and leisure were granted us, of meeting the whole mass of the Author's facts and arguments; and this, for the simple reason, among others, that they have been met and repelled a thousand times. But it is enough for us to observe, that the necessity of human government, direction, controul of creeds and articles, and rules of discipline, could not be felt (any more than they could be felt under the theocracy of the Jews), while the Church enjoyed the immediate presence of a Divine Ruler and Administrator;-that the Apostles, though, whilst they were receiving direct communications from Heaven, might seem to have stood in no need of human agency, yet made use of " councils," and appointed certain "elders," who were to "ordain" others, and "set in order" the things of the Church ;-that as soon after the Apostolic age as any ecclesiastical records are to be found, they describe the Church as under the distinct form of Episcopal government; that it is impossible to explain how that form should come to prevail, unless it had been transmitted from the times of the Apostles ;-that the usurpations of the Church of Rome no more vitiate the claims of an Episcopal government than the tyrannies of the House of Tudor destroy the claims of the House of Hanover— that what is called the " revival of" Independency, since the Reformation, is, in the main, another name for the multiplication of a vast number of isolated and nondescript bodies-some, we are thankful to say, of much respectability and of orthodox opinions; but others of every opinion under the sun, and many of them with modes of thinking and acting which their orthodox Independent brethren would be the first and the loudest to condemn. With such views of the case, Mr. Fletcher must forgive us, if, with much respect for himself, yet as belonging to one of all the communions" to which he dedicates his volumes, we cannot give in our adherence to his opinions. Nor should we wish to exchange the dull, one-coloured garment of an Established Church for the harlequin coat with which he would wish to invest us. Mr. Fletcher makes a strenuous effort to shelter the body, shall we call it, or the limbs, the "disjecta membra," of the party to which he belongs, from any participation in the charges heaped by historians of all classes on those certainly not very tolerant religionists, the Independents of the Commonwealth. Such ancestors must certainly be an unpleasant incubus upon a free, generous, and non-persecuting posterity. But the Author's efforts upon this point, however able, are, we think, not successful; he has yet to prove that Independency is not now, as in that instance, closely allied to despotism; and he has to learn that men, themselves "unaccustomed" to a "yoke," are often the most dis