What people are saying - Write a review
We haven't found any reviews in the usual places.
Other editions - View all
adopted amendment American answer appeal argument audience authority become believe better called cause character charge citizens civil common Congress Constitution Convention course Court discourse discussion Douglas duty effect election equal established existence fact favor feeling force friends give hands hold honor hope human idea importance influence interest introduction Judge justice less liberty Lincoln live matter means ment method mind nature never North object occasion opinion party passed patriotism peace platform pledged political popular practical present President principles prosperity question reason regard relation Republican resolutions respect Senate sense sentiment Slave slavery South speak speaker speech spirit stand territory thing thought tion true trust Union United universal vote Washington whole wish
Page 180 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts...
Page 66 - I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit ; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue ; to guard against the impostures of...
Page 311 - In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it.
Page 176 - I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 65 - I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Page 58 - Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally...
Page 192 - The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
Page 207 - I have heard, in such a way as to believe it, of your recently saying that both the army and the government needed a dictator. Of course it was not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given you the command. Only those generals who gain successes can set up dictators. What I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk the dictatorship.
Page 54 - In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties, by geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern; Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views.