W THE LIVING AGE THE GUIDE POST FOUNDED 1844 TABLE OF CONTENTS ITH its September number, THE LIVING AGE takes a THE WORLD OVER further and more decisive stride along the pathway of THE GEOGRAPHY OF CURRENT EVENTS CHARLES HODGES improvement, which for the most part its friends and subscribers have pointed out for it. The fundamental aim to BOTH ENDS OF THE EARTH give intelligent Americans a concise survey of world affairs as THE EDUCATION OF AN ÉMIGRÉ seen through the eyes of foreign observers remains unchanged. We continue to present complete articles, not extracts from arti- WITHIN AN HOUR OF LONDON cles, by the best foreign writers of the day. VILHJALMUR STEFANSSON A. I. KUPRIN 12 E. BERESFORD CHANCELLOR 13 SENATOR LAZARE WEILLER 17 Since 1844 the Editors of THE LIVING AGE have searched the ALSACE: PROBLEMS OF RESTORATION press of the world for all that is newest, most unusual, most significant; and for eighty-four years appreciative readers have realized that they were getting something to be obtained no- ITALY'S MILITARY SYSTEM where else. This same discrimination will continue to make the new LIVING AGE unique in periodical literature. It should be emphasized that the changes represent no abandonment of the eighty-four year old traditions of THE LIVING AGE. They are changes of form rather than substance. We shall continue to print as much material from foreign periodicals as heretofore; but we add the original work of the best American writers. Our new departments, which have already met with cordial approbation, are enlarged and to them is added ‘The Geography of Current Events, supplemented by a map designed to give a succinct survey of the month. PERSONS AND PERSONAGES CAPTAIN B. H. LIDDELL HART 22 THE WORLD LOOKS AT HOOVER THE AMERICAN MAN PAUL CLAUDEL THE 'KING BUSINESS' IN SWEDEN 26 LUIS ARAQUISTAIN 30 UPTON CLOSE 31 WILLIAM R. WILLCOX 34 VERAX 36 39 MARY BORDEN 43 MEYRICK BOOTH 45 DREW PEARSON 49 RUTGER ESSEN 51 BERNARD FAŸ 53 DR. JULIUS HIRSCH 57 The world has changed somewhat since THE LIVING AGE WAS founded, and the magazine has changed with it. But it has done so only to fulfill its unique purpose. A single detail, small in itself, will exemplify this. In the past, many readers have commented on the convenience of a small magazine that can be carried in the pocket. The new LIVING AGE has been designed so that, folded once, it will still be pocket size. But needless to say, the new size has many other advantages of greater im- A BRITISH View of the Kellogg TREATIES portance. It permits richer illustration and gives the magazine LIEUTENANT-COMMANDER J. M. KENWORTHY 58 a more pleasing general appearance. We believe that when the success of our experiment with the new size has been demon- How WE FOUND RASPUTIN'S BODY A. KOSHKO 62 strated, other magazines will follow our example. LETTERS AND THE ARTS AS OTHERS SEE US This month's contents are sufficient indication of our policy. American as well as foreign writers unite in presenting a wellrounded view of world affairs. Vilhjalmur Stefansson, veteran Arctic explorer, provides a scientific background for the exploits of Arctic and Antarctic adventurers. William R. Willcox, chairman of the Republican National Committee, 1916-1918, summarizes European comment on Mr. Hoover. Upton Close (Josef WORLD BUSINESS Washington Hall), authority on Far Eastern questions, dissects Books ABROAD the Russian mentality. Drew Pearson, of the United States Daily, WAR AND PEACE writes of the French Ambassador. Charles Hodges, Assistant Pro fessor of Politics in New York University, summarizes world WORLD RECORDS events and world business. Not the least valuable part of what these writers have to say is their American viewpoint. But writers of six foreign nations contribute other and quite different viewpoints. Russia is represented by A. I. Kuprin and A. Koshko, both now exiles in Paris. Great Britain is represented by Captain B. H. Liddell Hart, military critic; by Lieutenant-Commander Kenworthy, formerly of the Royal Navy; by Mary Borden, in private life Mrs. E. L. Spears, wife of a British general; by E. Beresford Chancellor, a devotee of London lore; and by the journalist Meyrick Booth. France is represented by Senator Lazare Weiller, and by M. Bernard Fay, exchange professor at Columbia; Sweden by Rutger Essen; Spain by Luis Araquistain, novelist and dramatist; Germany by Dr. Julius Hirsch, distinguished economist. Next month new writers of these and other nations will appear as their countries' spokesmen in America. THE LIVING AGE. Published monthly. Publication office, 10 FERRY STREET, CONCORD, N. H. 64 66 68 70 71 CHARLES HODGES 74 76 78 ESTABLISHED 1844 As Now revised, illustrated, and enlarged will be published ADVISORY COUNCIL CONSISTING of distinguished leaders in the fields of politics, economics, finance, education, literature, law, and international affairs: GEORGE W. ALGER Lawyer, author, publicist; New York. JULES S. BACHE Banker and corporation executive; New York. LUCIUS M. BOOMER Corporation executive; New York. WILLIAM YOUNG BOYD Publicist, investigator for President of Panama of European free ports, 1924; member commission accompanying President Pessoa of Brazil to U. S. A., 1919. JAMES H. BREASTED Orientalist, historian, president American Oriental Society; Chicago. ELMER E. BROWN Chancellor of New York University; member Academy of Letters and Sciences, Naples. THEODORE E. BURTON Statesman, author, U. S. Senator from Ohio, 1909-15, distinguished member of international boards and commissions. IRVING T. BUSH Industrialist, corporation executive, and former President of the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York. LAWRENCE SMITH BUTLER Architect; New York. ARTHUR CAPPER U. S. Senator from Kansas. CHARLES HORACE CLAPP President State University of Montana, geologist, member various national scientific societies. NORMAN F. COLEMAN President Reed College, Portland, Oregon. FREDERIC R. COUDERT International lawyer; New York. ROBERT H. DAVIS Author, editor; New York. ARTHUR LYMAN DEAN President University of Hawaii, 1914-17. ROBERT W. DE FOREST Lawyer, philanthropist, president of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. COLONEL FRANCIS E. DRAKE Paris, France. ARTHUR S. DRAPER Assistant Editor, 'New York Herald Tribune.' WALLACE R. FARRINGTON Governor of the Territory of Hawaii. EDWARD A. FILENE Former director International Chamber of Commerce and Chamber of Commerce of U. S.; merchant; Boston. LYNN J. FRAZIER Governor of North Dakota, 1917-21; U. S. Senator. JOHN CLINTON FUTRALL President of the University of Arkansas. HARRY AUGUSTUS GARFIELD President Williams College, chairman Institute of Politics. DAVID S. GARLAND President 'New York Law Review.' LINDLEY M. GARRISON Secretary of War of the United States, 1913-16. JOSEPH W. GRIGG ARNOLD BENNETT HALL President University of Oregon, member American Political Science Association. WILLIAM H. HAMILTON Financier, corporation executive; New York. WILLIAM HARD Author and journalist; Washington, D. C. LAURENCE HILLS Editor-in-chief and general manager Paris Edition of the 'New York Herald.' COLONEL EDWARD M. HOUSE Statesman, publicist; Austin, Texas, and New York. CHARLES L. KAGEY U. S. Minister to Finland, 1921-25, vicepresident American Bar Association, 1921-22; Beloit, Kansas. DAVID KINLEY President University of Illinois, economist. ROBERT LANSING Secretary of State of the United States, 1915–20. HENRY NOBLE MAC CRACKEN President of Vassar College. MARTIN T. MANTON Senior Judge U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals, Second Circuit. JOHN LOWNDES MCLAURIN U. S. Senator from South Carolina, 1897-1903. SAMUEL MCROBERTS Banker, corporation executive, Brigadier General U. S. A., A. E. F.; New York. FRANK L. McVEY President University of Kentucky; lecturer, Royal Frederick University of Oslo, Norway. HERMAN A. METZ Industrialist and corporation executive, Comptroller of the City of New York, 1906-10. NATHAN L. MILLER Governor of the State of New York, 1921-22; Judge New York Court of Appeals, 1913-15. GEORGE H. MOSES U. S. Senator from New Hampshire, President pro tem. U. S. Senate. JOHN F. O'RYAN Major General, Commander of the 27th Division U. S. A., A. E. F., 1917; President, Colonial Air Transport, Inc. COLONEL SAM PARK American Vice-Consul at Biarritz, France. GEORGE HENRY PAYNE Author, editor, and public official; New York. FRANCIS K. PENDLETON Corporation Counsel of the City of New York, 1907-10; Justice of the Supreme Court, State of New York, 1910-20. FRANK L. POLK Corporation Counsel of the City of New York, 1914-15: Counselor and Under-Secretary of State, 1915-19; head of the American Delegation to Peace Conferene at Paris, 1919. WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL Justice of the Supreme Court of Ontario, Canada, Appellate Division. THEODORE ROOSEVELT Colonel 26th Infantry, U. S. A., A. E. F., 1917, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1921-24. President University of Utah, economist. RICHARD H. TITHERINGTON Editor, author, trustee of the Frank A. Munsey Estate. CARMI ALDERMAN THOMPSON Treasurer of the United States by appointment of President Taft; United States Special Commissioner to the Philippine Islands by appointment of President Coolidge; Cleveland, Ohio. ALFRED HORATIO UPHAM President University of Utah. ARCHIBALD R. WATSON Corporation Counsel of the City of New York, 1910-14. CHARLES S. WHITMAN Governor of the State of New York, 1914-18; President of the American Bar Association, 1926-27. RAY LYMAN WILBUR President Stanford University; chairman executive committee Survey of Race Relations on Pacific Coast; President Institute of Pacific Relations. WILLIAM R. WILLCOX Chairman Public Utilities Commission, City of New York, 1907–13; Chairman Republican National Committee, 1916-18. HENRY LANE WILSON U. S. Ambassador to Mexico, 1909–13. HENRY ROGERS WINTHROP President of Italy America Society, New York. BURGESS W. WOOLEY President Argentine-America Chamber of Commerce. EVANS WOOLLEN Banker; Indianapolis. B The World Over THE NEW LEAGUE OF NATIONS ENJAMIN FRANKLIN, nearly one hundred years before United States Secretary of State Kellogg was born, declared that 'there never was a good war or a bad peace.' The Kellogg treaty to outlaw war, about to be signed in Paris by the great nations of the world as this note is written, does not go as far as Franklin's pronouncement of a century and a half ago. The Kellogg treaty exempts 'defensive warfare' from its inhibition. Franklin condemned all war. The signatories of the Kellogg peace treaty, reserving defensive warfare, agree to renounce war as an instrument of national policy,' but no nation to-day would admit that war was or had ever been 'an instrument of national policy.' All warfare is made to appear defensive warfare to the noncombatants of every NEW PEACE PACT nation at war. The men in the trenches do not theorize about it. To governments and ministries and peoples war is defensive, whether territory, material interests, or only altruistic ideals are involved. Surely, then, there need not have been any haggling or quibbling over the terms of Mr. Kellogg's first draft. No statesman in any cabinet but knew that the text was vague and meaningless as imposing any definite or compellable restraint. But the exchanges over phrases and reservations served a purpose. They stressed the idealism of the effort, and by prolonged discussion there was aroused TROUBLE ON THE BALTIC THE eastern end of the Baltic is apparently replacing the Balkans as a European trouble breeder. It would not be quite accurate to revise the old joke about the Balkans and declare that 'peace is raging on the Baltic,' for the anomalous situation existing on the Polish-Lithuanian frontier is neither EUROPE BRIAND From the Daily Express, London UNCLE SAM finds himself in an embarrassing position No one need concede the extreme pessimism of Lloyd George in his assertion that the Kellogg treaty will prejudice rather than promote the cause of peace in Europe; but we are pessimistic enough to doubt that any international agreement, however specific and definite, will bind nations much longer than their ministries believe the obligation of that particular treaty to serve the national interests. History has found more than one treaty to be a 'scrap of paper,' and there can be no real assurance that history will not repeat itself in this respect so long as the present condition of international anarchy continues to exist. peace nor war. It is not peace; for Poland and Lithuania have regarded themselves, formally at least, as belligerents ever since General Zeligowski's Polish guerillas seized the disrupted city of Vilna eight years ago. Neither is it war; for though the frontier is closed and though Polish and Lithuanian patrols glare balefully at one another across it, there have been no battles and no bloodshed, except for the wounding of two Polish soldiers in a skirmish in July. But though it is difficult to take seriously a 'war' in which nobody fights and almost nobody gets hurt, the Vilna dispute is too grave a matter to be dismissed with a smile and a shrug. The perpetual friction between Poland and Lithuania is having a disturbing effect on European relations generally. On one side of Poland stands Soviet Russia with a large and well-organized army. On the other, stands Germany, which has, indeed, promised not to try to alter its eastern frontier by force, but which has in the past been known to forget treaty obligations. To make matters worse, behind Poland stands her ally France, always suspicious of the Teutons. It is easy to see what dangerous and farreaching results might follow were either Poland or Lithuania to venture upon open hostilities. Only a few months ago Marshal Pilsudski, the Polish dictator, confronted Premier Waldemaras of Lithuania at Geneva. 'Is it peace or war?' he asked. 'It is peace,' replied the Lithuanian, after a moment of dramatic tension, and Europe breathed a sigh of relief. The sigh was a little premature. The Lithuanians recently irritated the Poles afresh by adopting a constitutional amendment making Vilna their capital -in spite of the fact that the city is in Polish hands and that the great powers confirmed Poland in possession after the seizure by Zeligowski. On top of this came the clash of the frontier guards in which Polish blood was shed, while the two governments were still busily assembling data for the approaching meeting of the League Council, at which it is optimistically proposed to settle once for all a dispute with which the League of Nations has never in the past been able to deal adequately. In the meantime Vilna is likely to occupy a good deal of space in the headlines; and the world will be fortunate if the controversy ends with nothing more serious than paper warfare. HERM THE CABINET OF PERSONALITIES ERMANN MÜLLER, the new Social Democratic Chancellor (who is the subject of a biographical note elsewhere in this number), has discovered that it is no easy task to select a cabinet in a country which has so many political parties as Germany. In order to have any hope of success with his Socialist programme in the Reichstag, he considered it necessary to combine several parties into a 'Grand Coalition,' so-called, which includes the mildly radical Social Democrats on the Left and all the parties toward the Right as far as the relatively conservative People's Party. Having failed in his first attempt to unite all these somewhat inharmonious elements, he compromised with a 'Cabinet of Personalities,' which is almost identical, except for the name, with the 'Grand Coalition Cabinet' originally proposed. This autumn Herr Müller is expected to rebaptize his Cabinet 'The Grand Coalition,' with the probability that most of the present members will remain. Dr. Stresemann, who retains the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, was the first to suggest a way out of Herr Müller's early difficulties. Although the well known Foreign Minister caused a minor crisis in his own party when he telegraphed from his Black Forest sanatorium that the Cabinet should be formed of leading personages in German politics (who would for the time being be freed from party ties) he enormously increased his own prestige among voters whose politics are not the same shade as his own. The 'Cabinet of Personalities,' as it now exists, is considered merely CHANCELLOR MÜLLER WHO HEADS the latest ministry of Germany's ten-year-old republic a temporary expedient, and in the autumn the concealed coalition it really represents will, it is expected, have so far ripened as no longer to need an alias and may blossom forth in all the assurance of name as well as fact. But Herr Müller may find the same opposition from the Centre Party next October that he found this summer, when Dr. Wirth, the former Chancellor and leader of the Left wing of the Centre, almost succeeded in preventing the formation of the 'Cabinet of Personalities.' Although Dr. Wirth is himself a 'personality,' and a formidable one, he is not included in the present Cabinet. Unwilling to accept the Ministry of Transport, which was offered him, he modestly suggested himself for the ViceChancellorship, an office which has not been occupied for several years and which neither Herr Müller nor President von Hindenburg saw any reason for reviving. Dr. Wirth then asked for the Ministry of the Interior, though he knew that the Social Democrats had chosen their own man for the post and that the portfolio had already been accepted. Prospects looked discouraging indeed when President von Hindenburg angrily told Herr Müller that he would not have the composition of a Cabinet imposed upon him by a Parliamentary group. It was then suggested that Herr Hilferding represent the Centre, though this would reduce that Party's representation in the Cabinet to one minister instead of the three as originally agreed, and left out Dr. Wirth. As compensation, the Centre was told to consider itself in no way committed to the Government, and Dr. Wirth was given a free hand to oppose the present Cabinet. Since the Centre Party habitually dislikes being committed, it assented to the arrangement and decided to mark time until this autumn when the real 'Grand Coalition Cabinet' is to be formed. The present body, not being a genuine Coalition Cabinet, the parties represented in it are not committed to the policies or courses which may be formulated or followed. But since parties usually approve the conduct of their leaders, it would not be strange if the personnel of the new Cabinet were found to be nearly identical with that of the one it succeeds. AMBASSADORS OF GOOD WILL ARE RE old methods of diplomacy disappearing from the earth? May international understandings in peace time be only improved by unofficial 'ambassadors of good will'? The Prince of Wales in his travels stimulates the loyalty of the Colonies, wins world good will for Britain and all things British. Mayor Walker of New York in a different way pleases the multitudes in foreign capitals. His personality is genial, his methods conciliatory, to be sure. Prince Potenziani, governor of Rome, returned the Walker visit, finding America charming, and now it is said that in an even more personal sense Prince Potenziani left his heart in the United States. Of course Lindbergh was, and is, America's ambassador of good will par excellence. Years may pass, but none then living in the United States or France will forget the day when this young man dropped out of the clouds at Le Bourget, stepped from his airship and said calmly, 'I am Charles Lindbergh.' Foreign fliers have since come to the United States to welcomes of equal warmth, and the late lamented Carranza was widely and deeply mourned as messages of condolence and acknowledgment were exchanged between Washington and Mexico City. Then the cab driver, Iron Gustav, and his ancient horse Grasmus, as related elsewhere in this number, markedly stimulated the slowly growing cordiality between Paris and Berlin, and no doubt 5 the Olympic games in Amsterdam and the incidental individual international contacts constitute a potent and enduring influence for international good will. Meanwhile, we had begun to hear so little of the official ambassadors of the older school, the honest men 'sent abroad to lie for the commonwealth,' that had not Secretary Kellogg drawn up his peace treaty and started the talk about it, we might almost have forgotten that State Departments as heretofore known, and their representatives abroad, were necessary appendages of great nations. So it is well for diplomacy as a profession that something has begun to be doing along the lines of outlawing war. ANOTHER UNFINISHED SYMPHONY FRAN RANZ SCHUBERT'S greatest musical composition is undoubtedly the Unfinished Symphony. This year, when a quarter million members of various singing societies gathered in Vienna to celebrate the centenary of Schubert's death, they used the occasion to remind the world of another 'Unfinished Symphony' the political union of Austria and Germany, or Anschluss as this combination is called throughout Europe. The injection of political propaganda into a great musical festival undoubtedly accounted for the absence of the French Minister to Austria, M. de Beaumarchais, from the official reviewing stand at the celebrations, for it is generally believed that he received instructions from Paris not to be present at this vast demonstration in favor of German hegemony. In all probability he felt that Deutschland über Alles and Die Wacht am Rhein were poor substitutes for Schubert. Upon the formation of a new German Cabinet after the General Elections this year, Hermann Müller, the new German Chancellor, telegraphed Mgr. Seipel, the Austrian Chancellor, that he hoped the relations between the two countries would continue increasingly cordial. Le Temps, the semi-official organ of the French Government, immediately concluded that Anschluss was being hinted, saying: 'We are not ignorant of the fact that the parties on the Left and Right in both countries regard with equal favor the principle of Anschluss, for the conservatives see in it the possibility of rebuilding German domination in Central Europe, whereas the Socialists regard it primarily as a means for the realization of Social Democracy in all its force in a united Germany.' Le Temps warned Germany that France, at least, would not regard any move toward Anschluss at all favorably. THE WORLD OVER A treaty exists between Czechoslovakia and France, moreover, for the express purpose of opposing AustroGerman union. And Dr. Bénès, the Czechoslovak Foreign Minister, recently declared that the political union of Berlin and Vienna might provoke another European War. Italy also opposes Anschluss, since she fears that Austria may become powerful enough to agitate for a revision of the Treaty of Trianon. Czechoslovakia is known to have a military plan for the occupation of Vienna in the event of political union between Austria and Germany, while Mussolini has declared that under such circumstances he would be forced to invade the Austrian Tyrol. Such a course might be considered a violation of both the spirit and the letter of the Kellogg anti-war treaties, and Europe speculates whether America would become involved in defending her compacts for world peace. Another plan which bears a certain resemblance to Anschluss is the formation of a Central European Customs Union which might later be extended to a political federation. This scheme is the pet project of Dr. Bénès, the Czechoslovak Foreign Minister. Germany has intimated that she would vigorously oppose a Central European Economic Union in which she was not included, on the ground that, if not a member, such a combination might be directed against her. In the past France has favored a Danubian Federation, but has insisted that it must exclude the German Reich, fearing that, if Germany should be let in, she would dominate the union economically and, in time, politically. Italy is even more alarmed than France over the extension of Germany's economic and political influence in the Balkans, while England supports her Allies in the late war. It may be said that, although Germany and Austria have been moving closer to one another, and Anschluss, or union, may be the natural evolution of the present tendency, for the moment the European Powers who were victorious over Germany definitely oppose any |