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"Pray," he said at the theatre, while observing the grim looks of the murderers in Macbeth, "pray what is the reason that we never see a rogue in a play, but, odd's fish! they always clap him on a black periwig, when it is well known one of the greatest rogues in England always wears a fair one?" The allusion was to Oates Oates, or, as I suspect, to Shaftesbury, and the saying was told by Betterton to Cibber.

He was troubled with intercessions for people who were obnoxious to him, and once when Lord Keeper Guildford was soliciting the king's favor on behalf of one he did not like, he observed facetiously, " It is very strange that every one of my friends should keep a tame knave."

One day while the king was being shaved, his over-officious trifler of a barber observed to him that "he thought none of his majesty's officers had a greater trust than he." "Oy," said the king, "how so, friend?" "Why," said the royal shaver, "I could cut your majesty's throat when I would." The king started up and said, "Odds fish, that very thought is treason; thou shalt shave me no more." The barber of Dionysius, who had made the same remark, was crucified for his garrulity; but honest Rowley was not cruel. His loquacious barber was only dismissed. "Falsehood and cruelty," he said to Burnet, " he looked on as the greatest crimes in the sight of God."

Of Wooley, afterwards Bishop of Clonfert, he observed wittily and with great knowledge of character, that "He was a very honest man, but a very great blockhead-that he had given him a living in Suffolk swarming with Nonconformiststhat he had gone from house to house and brought them all to church-that he had made him a bishop for his diligence; but what he could have said to the Nonconformists he could not imagine, except he believed that his nonsense suited their nonsense."

He was so pleased with a passage in a sermon by South that he laughed outright, and turning to Laurence Hyde, Lord Rochester, "Odds fish, Lory," said he, "your chaplain must be a bishop, therefore put me in mind of him next vacancy." Of Barrow, he said that "he was an unfair preacher," because, as it has been explained, he exhausted every subject and left no room for others to come after him;-but the king's allusion was made somewhat slyly to the extraordinary length as well as to the unusual excellence of Barrow's

sermons.

He said often, "He was not priest-ridden; he would not venture a war nor travel again for any party." Such is Burnet's story, curiously confirmed as it is by Sir Richard Bulstrode's conversation with the king on his former exile and the then condition of the country. "But," said the king, most prophetically indeed, "I am weary of travelling, I am resolved to go abroad no more; but when I am dead and gone, I know not what my brother will do. I am much afraid that when he comes to the crown he will be obliged to travel again."

He observed, in allusion to the amours of the Duke of York and the plain looks of his mistresses, that, " he believed his brother had his mistresses given him by his priests for penance."

After taking two or three turns one morning in St. James' Park, the king, attended only by the Duke of Leeds and my Lord Cromarty, walked up Constitution-hill into Hyde Park. Just as he was

crossing the road, where Apsley House now is, the Duke of York, who had been hunting that morning, on Hounslow-heath, was seen returning in his coach, escorted by a party of the guards, who, as soon as they saw the king, suddenly halted, and stopped the coach. The duke, being acquainted with the occasion of the halt, immediately got out, and, after saluting the king, said he was greatly surprised to find his majesty in that place, with so small an attendance, and that he thought his majesty exposed himself to some danger. "No kind of danger, James," was the reply; "for I am sure no man in England will take away my life to make you king." The old Lord Cromarty often mentioned this anecdote to his friends.

"It is better to be envied than pitied," was his observation to Lord Chancellor Clarendon.

"He that takes one stone from the church takes two from the crown," was another of his sayings preserved by Pepys.

He said to Lauderdale, "To let presbytery go, for it was not a religion for gentlemen."

If his short characters of men were at all like the one that has been preserved to us of Godolphin, we have lost a good deal from their want of preservation. Of Godolphin he said, when only a page at court, "that he was never in the way, and never out of the way;" and this was a character, says Lord Dartmouth, which Godolphin maintained to his life's end.

When told by Will Legge that the pardoning of Lord Russell would, among other things, lay an eternal obligation upon a very great and numerous family, he replied, with reason on his side, "All that is true; but it is as true, that if I do not take his life he will soon have mine."

Eager for the marriage of the Princess Mary to the Prince of Orange, and when reminded of his promise to the Duke of York, (to whom the match was unwelcome,) that he would not dispose of the duke's daughter in marriage without the duke's consent, he replied it was true he had given his brother such a promise, "but, odd's fish, he must consent."

When Sancroft, then only dean of St. Paul's, was brought to the king by Will. Chiffinch, that Charles might tell him in person of his appointment to the archbishopric of Canterbury, the dean urged his unfitness for the office, and requested his majesty to bestow it on some more worthy person. The king replied, "that, whether he would accept it or not, he had already given away his deanery to Dr. Stillingfleet."

When Sir John Warner turned Papist, he retired to a convent, and his uncle, Dr. Warner, who was one of the king's physicians, upon apprehension that Sir John might convert his property to popish uses, pressed his majesty to order the attorney-general to proceed at law for securing his estate to him, as next male; "Sir John at present," said the king, "is one of God Almighty's fools, but it will not be long before he returns to his estate, and enjoys it himself."

During the debate on a bill for disabling all Papists from holding any court place or employment, the king was supposed to speak through the Earl of Shaftesbury, then lord chancellor, whilst his brother the Duke of York was represented by Sir Thomas Clifford, then lord treasurer. Clifford made a violent speech, and was smartly answered by Shaftesbury. "What a rogue you have of a lord chancellor!" was the remark of the duke

to the king, (for both were present;) to which passport is beginning to be discovered by the conCharles replied, "And what a fool you have of a lord treasurer."

One of his last sayings related to his new palace at Winchester. He was impatient to have the works finished, saying " a year was a great time in

his life."

When he was dying the queen sent an excuse for her absence. She said that she was too unwell to resume her post by the couch, and implored pardon for any offence which she might unwillingly have given. "She ask my pardon, poor woman!" cried Charles. "I ask hers with all my heart."

His wit never forsook him. When near his last moments he apologized to those who stood round him all night for the trouble he had caused. "He had been, he said, a most unconscionable time dying; but he hoped that they would excuse it." A similar sense of etiquette ruffled the last moments of the polite Earl of Chesterfield, whose only expressed anxiety related to his friend Dayrolles being in the room without a chair to sit down upon.

tempt with which it is frequently treated. It may be as well to explain again what the Prussian government required, and how little Lord Palmerston's new regulation meets the demand. The Prussian police, in requiring that English subjects should travel with an "English" pass, meant that that document should be what it is in Prussia-a "legitimation," or official certificate of the identity of the individual. Such a document there is, as stated in a former letter, no official machinery in England for issuing. In Germany the district police keeps a register of every man, and he cannot move without his " papers," his "legitimation." Granting them is then no part of the duty of the foreign minister, unless the person may be on a government mission. It is necessary clearly to understand the great difference between the continental importance of a "pass," and the value we attach to it. With us it is but a larger kind of. turnpike ticket, which proves nothing except that the holder has made his way so far on his journey, and is only thought useful inasmuch as it may clear him through the next gate. To a German the pass is the proof of his existence, and the only title he has to live

If he was ready at a reply, there were others and move unmolested by the police. Without it the about him who were not less happy. When law does not recognize him, he falls into the rubric Charles called Lord Chancellor Shaftesbury, in his of vagabonds, thieves, and fugitives from justice, of

own hearing, "the greatest rogue in England," the reply made by Shaftesbury was full of point and spirit. "Of a subject, sir, perhaps I am." Not less witty was the sarcastic answer of the Earl of Dorset. The earl had come to court on Queen Elizabeth's birthday, long kept as a holiday in London and elsewhere, and still, I believe, observed by the benchers of Gray's Inn. The king, forgetting the day, asked "What the bells rung for?" The answer given, the king asked further, "How it came to pass that her birthday

was still

kept, whilst those of his father and grandfather were no more thought of than William the Conqueror's?" "Because," said the flank peer to the frank king, "she being a woman chose men for her counsellors, and men when they reigu usually choose women." Of the same stamp was the more than half-heard aside of the Duke of Buckingham, to his appeal to the monarch" as the father of his people." "Of a good many of them," was the sarcastic comment of the author of the Rehearsal.

I have referred in a former chapter to the king's partiality for his dogs; one species of which is still celebrated among the fancy as King Charles' breed. On his entry into Salisbury, an honest cavalier pressed forward to see him, and came so near the coach that his majesty cautioned the poor man not to cling too close to the door lest one of the little black spaniels in the coach should chance to bite him. The loyalist still persisting in being near, one of the spaniels seized him by the finger, and the poor fellow, whilst he was in pain, cried out with a loud voice, "God bless your majesty, but d-n your dogs!" This story has been preserved to us by the mercurial Duke of Wharton as an illustration of the indulgence which the king accorded to his subjects on all occasions-as an instance of the popular, easy, and endearing arts, which ensure to a monarch the love and good will of his people.

But his best saying was his last-" Let not poor Nelly starve!" the last request of the merry mon

arch.

whom everything dangerous, from arson to regicide, may be expected. A German without his "legitimation" in his pocket, therefore, feels like an assassin, who at any moment may feel the gripe of the police on his collar. An Englishman believes (erroneously on the continent) that his presence in the shape of five feet nine of respectability on any spot of the earth's surface is proof enough at least that he must once have been born, and had a name; and that nobody has charged him with swindling or theft is equally a proof that the police have nothing to do with him. He therefore cares little for his passport, neglects the official forms, forgets to have it vised, cannot imagine why such a fuss is made about nothing, and does not scruple even to abuse any functionary who may interfere with him in innocent ignorance that even mere unpoliteness to any employe is punishable with fine or imprisonment, as "insulting a deputed officer of the crown in the discharge of his duties." A German cannot forget his "legitimation," and all belonging to it, while it is equally difficult to get an Englishman to remember it. More than half the embarrassments our countrymen get into are caused by their own neglect. Perhaps impressing on their minds the idea that without "papers" they are, in the "eye of the law," on the continent, vagabonds, thieves, and suspected persons, may induce

them to pay more attention to those instruments. They too often only get a glimpse of the truth when

they come into collision with the police. Times, 19 May.

NEWSPAPERS IN GREAT BRITAIN. - A return has

been printed by order of the House of Commons, from which it appears that the number of stamps issued for newspapers in the year 1850, at one penny, was, in England, 65,741,271; in Scotland, 7,643,045; and in Ireland, 6,302,728. At one half-penny, the number was, in England, 11,684,423; in Scotland, 241,045; and in Ireland, 43,358. The number of newspapers in the United Kingdom, in 1850, was as follows:-London, 159; English provinces, 222; Scotland, 110; Ireland, 102-total, 593. The number of advertisements in them was 2,252,550, of which the London newspapers contained 891,650; the English provincial papers, 875,631; the Scottish papers, 249,141; and the Irish papers, 236,128. The rate of duty is 1s. 6d. on each advertisement, except on those contained in the Irish newspapers, in which the

PASSPORTS. From English travellers to their passports is a natural progression. I perceive from the repeated letters of delayed and perplexed voyagers that the new foreign-office reform does not work rate of duty is 1s. The total amount of duty paid smoothly, and that the real value of an "official" | last year, was £163,038.

From the Morning Chronicle, 26 May.

ALLIANCE OF RUSSIA, AUSTRIA, AND PRUSSIA.

The question of peace and war last year was virtually decided by the emperor, for though a considerable show of opposition was made, and though many months were consumed in unprofitable discussion, the solution which was finally accepted was pretty much the same as that recommended by the czar to Count Brandenburg and Prince

CONSIDERABLE importance will, it is probable, be attached on the Continent to the journey of the King of Prussia to Warsaw. The present meeting of the two sovereigns is at least a sign of the revival of those cordial relations which had been in- Schwarzenberg. It is not less notorious that the

terrupted in consequence of the part played by Frederick William in the events of 1848. At that period the political ties which had existed between the two courts since 1813 were suddenly broken, and when the King of Prussia adopted the revolution, he found himself placed in a position scarcely short of open hostility with the czar. There were doubtless moments in which the language of Russian diplomacy assumed a tone of menace and intimidation-whilst the popular assemblies of Germany were incessantly preaching a crusade against Russia. The subsequent attempts which were made by the Prussian government to carry out the scheme of German unity through the medium of the Erfurt Parliament, did not meet with greater favor at St. Petersburg. The differences between the two governments still subsisted, and in the struggle of the past year the sympathies of Russia were on the side of Austria. More recently a reconciliation appears to have been effected, which must be ascribed rather to the sudden change of Prussian policy than to any caprice on the part of the emperor. There can, indeed, be but little ground for genuine sympathy between monarchs so opposite in character; but it is probable that the czar has been propitiated by the ready deference yielded to his mediation in the autumn of last year, and that he deems the moment to have arrived for the establishment-we will not say of a Holy Alliance-but of a good understanding among the absolute and military sovereigns. Some alarm may be felt at the prospect of such a combination; but in these days the personal agreements of princes are not all powerful, nor, perhaps, is there much reason to fear the permanence of any arrangement to which the King of Prussia is a party. Yet the meeting of the courts at Warsaw is so far of evil omen to Germany, as it shows that no hesitation is felt in soliciting foreign counsel, and perhaps foreign assistance, in the government of the German people. It is impossible to regard the interviews of the Emperors of Russia and Austria and the King of Prussia with the same complacent satisfaction with which we are accustomed to contemplate the visits of courtesy paid by our own sovereign. On the continent these things cannot be separated from political objects, and as they afford just ground to suspect the exercise of foreign influence in the domestic affairs of the confederation, they naturally excite feelings of distrust and jealousy. Regarded from this point of view, the royal visit to Warsaw becomes a national humiliation, and, notwithstanding the present tranquillity, it will hardly produce increased respect for the monarchical principle in Germany.

It seems to be the peculiar curse of that country that the struggle of principles cannot be carried on by the unassisted energy of the Teutonic race. The democratic party is accustomed to lean on the republicans of France, whilst the rulers court the sympathies of Russia. In other countries foreign support brings certain destruction to the political party, or to the government, which has recourse to it; but the national sentiment of Germany is not ye: sufficiently strong to condemn such alliances.

settlement of the Danish question has been mainly owing to the remonstrances of Russia-a proof that the German governments were either too weak to maintain the rights which they claimed, or too dishonest to respect treaties contracted with a power which they believed to be defenceless. Whichever may have been the case, the sequel has shown that, in the external relations as well as in the domestic affairs of the confederation, the advice of the czar carries with it greater weight than the interest or the ambition of German sovereigns. It is difficult to find fault with the conduct of Russia; for her policy has, upon the whole, been moderate, and her active intervention in Hungary only took place at the pressing solicitation of Austria. Her present position has been forced upon her by the disunion and weakness of her neighbors, rather than acquired by her own activity. The assistance which she rendered to Austria was not, indeed, purely disinterested, because the Russian territories were threatened by the revolutionary contagion; nor do we yet know to what extent Austria may have consented to permit the encroachments of the czar in the Danubian provinces. But the Russian armies were set in motion ostens ostensibly to aid an allied government; and although they made a demonstration of military force which might well cause alarm to other European powers, they were withdrawn when their task was accomplished. The emperor performed an important part in the suppression of the revolution, and it could not be laid to his charge that he had extorted an indemnity from his exhausted and helpless ally. In the grievous errors which produced the Hungarian insurrection the Russians were in no way implicated, nor were they disgraced by the severities with which the excesses of the revolution were avenged. The Hungarian campaign was a complete Russian triumph; and it cannot fail to have strengthened immeasurably the influence of the czar in Eastern Europe. It is a fatal indication of the weakness of Austria that, in the hour of danger, she must look to the Court of St. Petersburg to uphold the dominion of the House of Hapsburg in the valley of the Danube. Whether this state of things be considered as the natural fruit of revolution, or as the consequence of Austrian misgovernment, we cannot escape the conviction that Russia has acquired a dangerous preponderance in countries where the Court of Vienna might have aspired to at least an equal influence.

With the other powers of Germany, the influence of Russia, though less marked, appears to have been scarcely less effectual. The explanation of this result does not lie in the peculiarly aggressive character of Russian diplomacy, but in the simple fact that, whilst the governments of the confederation have been distinguished by their want of purpose, if not by their falseness-whilst the sovereigns were, at one moment, suppressing insurrections, and at the next humbling themselves before the revolution-the policy of the czar was throughout clear and consistent. Unshaken by the revolutionary movements, he not only rendered assistance where it was most needed, but he did his

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ineligible as his successor; the next candidate on the list is the Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, whose intimate affinity to the Russian Autocrat renders his success scarcely problematical. With the change of dynasty in Greece it is understood that a question in which this country has a direct interest is also to be mixed up the future disposal of the Ionian Islands.

utmost, and that successfully, to prevent a civil war in Central Europe. We are accustomed to hear denunciations of the policy of Russia, but we must confess our gratitude to the imperial autocrat for having frustrated the dangerous schemes of some very accomplished German statesmen; and we are bound to admit that we are in a great measure indebted to the Court of St. Petersburg for the preservation of the peace of Europe. We The conferences at Warsaw and Cracow are also would hope that something has been accomplished watched with uneasiness from Constantinople. by the innumerable mediations undertaken by Lord The delicate negotiations respecting the disposal Palmerston; but, upon the whole, the credit mainly of the Hungarian refugees at Kutayah have added belongs to Count Nesselrode and his sovereign. It may be that the czar is less exigeant than the House of Commons, and possibly his minister for foreign affairs is more temperate than the noble member for Tiverton; but at any rate it cannot be doubted that the governments of Germany turn a deaf ear to the representations of our foreign-office, whilst they submissively follow the advice of Russia. Our national pride might indeed be flattered if England held the same place in European estimation as that which is now occupied by the great northern empire; but it would be far better that the princes of Germany should learn to dispense with foreign dictation or protection. We

to the disquiet with which the Porte regards the tampering of Russia and Austria with its insurgent or disaffected subjects on the respective frontiers of these powers. And recent events in Egypt are understood to have given a fresh stimulus to a project which has been oftener than once, though always vaguely, spoken of the erection of the Isthmus into a neutral territory, under the common protectorate of the European powers, as the great highway to the East.

When viewed in connexion with these movements and rumors, considerable interest attaches to the publication in a Brussels paper of what purports to be a note addressed by the papal secretary

readily allow that Russian influence has been to the Austrian minister of foreign affairs. The

beneficially exerted, but it is not the less dangerous on that account; and every time that it is exercised it adds to the strength of the power from which Europe has most to fear, whilst at the same time it weakens those governments who are for the moment benefited by it. It is a bitter comment on the projects of German unity which have been discussed in the palaces and the market places throughout the territories of the Confederation, that the discord of that country should have been appeased only by the calm and sagacious advice of the hereditary ruler of the least civilized race in Europe. It is impossible to hope for political

authenticity of the document has not been called in question, although it has now been upwards of a week before the public, and has been made the subject of comment both by English and French journals. It is in substance a labored argument, addressed to the Austrian government, with a view to induce it to embrace active measures to turn the French out of Rome, and take the Pope and the States of the Church under its immediate protection.

THE TEMPEST PROGNOSTICATOR. - That leeches are

development concurrently with such national deg- sensitive to thunder-storms is well known. Cowper,

radation.

From the Spectator, 24 May.

CONFERENCES are in progress on the confines of Russia and Germany, which may have important consequences for the international arrangements of Europe. The czar is giving audience to his great vassals, Prussia and Austria. The King of Prussia had an interview with his suzerain at Warsaw, on the 18th instant, and the Emperor of Austria was to be admitted to the same favor at Cracow. These interviews augur little good for the liberties of Germans, Sclavonians, Magyars, and Italians. But the "divided councils" also augur as little good for the dignity and independence of the Prussian and Austrian crowns, as the "divided councils" held by Richard the Third did for the safety of Hastings and Stanley. The czar consults apart with the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Austria; the policy of Russia is to keep these powers in a state of mutual jealousy, that may enable it to play off one against the other.

Two arrangements in the international relations of Europe are pretty sure to be discussed if not settled at these Polish conferences. The first relates to the affairs of Denmark, which has become little better than an outpost of Russia. The second relates to the affairs of Greece. It is now certain that King Otho will before long abdicate the throne of that kingdom; his brother declines to

the poet, gives an interesting account of a leech which he kept as a barometer, in a letter to Lady Hesketh, Nov. 10, 1787:-"Yesterday," he says, "it thundered, last night it lightened, and at three this morning, I saw the sky red as a city in flames could have made it. I have a leech in a bottle which foretells all these prodigies and convulsions of nature. Not, as you will naturally conjecture, by articulate utterance of oracular notices, but by a variety of gesticulations, which here I have not room to give an account of. Suffice it to say, that no change of weather surprises him, and that in point of early and accurate intelligence he is worth all the barometers in the world. None of them all, indeed, can make the least pretence to foretell thunder-a species of capacity of which he has given the most unequivocal evidence. I gave but sixpence for him." Dr. Merryweather of Whitby in Yorkshire has constructed what he calls a Tempest Prognosticator, with leeches for the basis of the plan. He arranges a frame of twelve bottles, each containing a leech, and each having an open tube at the top. From a piece of whalebone in the opening of each bottle proceeds a brass chain, communicating with a bell hung in the top of the apparatus. Accordingly, when a tempest is approaching, the leeches rise in the bottles, displace the whalebone, and cause the bell to ring. Hitherto, after a year's experience, it is found that no storm escapes notice from the leeches. Dr. Merryweather has also satisfied himself that it is the electric state of the atmosphere, and not the occurrence of thunder within human hearing, which affects the leeches. After this the Snail Telegraph looks not quite

go over to the Greek Church, and is consequently so outrageous an absurdity.-Chambers' Journal.

PRESBYTERIAN SYNOD OF BELFAST.

Ar a meeting of the Presbyterian Synod of Belfast, the Rev. S. M. Dill read a series of resolu

tions on the subject of Papal aggression, amongst

which were the following :

I a sinister and left-handed mode had been taken of

turning attention from Rome by attacking the Es tablished Church, and I say so still. If Dr. Coul ter wanted to go dexterously and right-handed about the matter, why did he not take the proper course?-his proper course would have been to introduce substantive resolutions. I did not impute and my advice might do him good, however he may

That, in the opinion of this synod, there is good cause for the serious alarm which has been excited in motives, however I may have wished to advise him,

these countries by recent efforts to extend the principles and power of Popery, and that it appears to be a be accustomed to rub his elbows to the creashy

present duty for this church to bear testimony against its anti-Christian assumption. That, holding Christ to be the sole Supreme Head of his Church, we feel bound to protest against any invasion of his rights, either on the part of prince or pontiff, and, especially in the present times, to maintain before the world the spiritual independence of the Church, and the liberty wherewith Christ hath made his people free; and that, valuing religious liberty for ourselves, we disclaim any disposition or desire to interfere with the religious liberties of any portion of her majesty's subjects. That we cannot but regard the recent proceedings of the papal court as having been encouraged by the countenance and patronage accorded to Popery in various forms by the British government, as well as by the Romanizing tendencies of the Tractarian party of the Church of England.

The Rev. Mr. Knox seconded the resolution. The following is an abridged report of the discussion which ensued, as given in the Belfast Banner:

priests of the south.

Mr. Rogers. This is most unfair-I don't care from what person it proceeds, it is unfair thus, at the close of the synod, to offer opposition, and attempt to smother a resolution which, if Dr. Coulter had introduced yesterday, would have been carried triumphantly, and Dr. Cooke knows it would. Dr. Cooke. I know no such thing, sir.

Mr. Rogers. Dr. Coulter has a perfect right to take the ground he is taking at present. He is doing no more, attempting no more, than Lord John Russell has done-Lord John Russell, whose policy Dr. Cooke comes here to support.

Dr. Cooke. I will not endure that Mr. Rogera shall make such assertions as these. I do not

Mr. Rogers.-Lord John Russell, who insults the prelates of the Church of England more than Popery in his letter to the Bishop of Durham. I have no objection to come forward here to denounce Popery in all its shapes and phases, but I will also denounce what I consider far worse than heresy.

Dr. Coulter.-My only ground of objection is, that the second resolution regarding royal supremDr. Cooke. Let Mr. Rogers try to put upon acy does not carry out the protest in its application my statement and my conduct an interpretation that to the great present system of anti-christianism. I never intended. Me support Lord John Russell! We have heard a great deal of the great antichrist, The house of Russell to require support from me!

but I regard the whole of the Church of England system as one

Dr. Cooke. I at once call the speaker to order. I am sorry, indeed, that I have to oppose a man so highly respectable as Dr. Coulter; but I tell him again that it is the Church of Rome that is before us, and not the Church of England, and if Dr. Coulter wishes to introduce any number of substantive resolutions in relation to the Church of England, I am ready to hear him-to submit to him when, as a Presbyterian, I think him right-to oppose him when, as a Protestant, I think him wrong. Popery is the question, and not prelacy-Popery is the question and not the constitution of the Established Church in England and Ireland; and even if I were to stand alone, I would oppose this sinister mode of assailing the Protestant Church, when our object is to turn aside the tide of that Popery which is now sweeping over the land, and which, when it attains sufficient strength, if allowed to do so, will sweep away Dr. Coulter, and those who join with the friends of Rome [applause].

Rev. Mr. Rogers. -Moderator, I have to appeal to you on two grounds. I ask you, are the proceedings of this court to be interrupted in such a manner by the public?

The Moderator.-Certainly not. Mr. Rogers. And in the second place, I wish to ask has Dr. Cooke any right here to impute motives such as he imputed to Dr. Coulter ?

The Moderator.-I am not aware that he did so. Mr. Rogers.-He imputed sinister motives, and I

Dr. Cooke.--Oh, sir, Dr. Cooke was never afraid of an enemy. Mr. Rogers. And I ask, is he in order in doing

80?

Dr. Cooke. I imputed no motives. I said that

Oh, no. I have a high respect for Lord John Russell. I believe him to be one of the first statesmen in Europe. I believe him to be a good theologian. He goes frequently to a Presbyterian house of worship.

Mr. Rogers. And more frequently to Mr. Bennett's congregation.

Dr. Cooke. But as to supporting Lord John Russell, I wish I had the supporting of him, and I know where I would support him to. As to his proposed measure, I believe it is the most miserable and puny embryo that ever came to shape or form, and as to arriving at the full stature of a man, why, it will never be a manikin.

After some further discussion, Dr. Coulter was called upon to submit his amendment.

Dr. Coulter then read the following, as his amendment :

Resolved-That this synod also feels constrained to testify against the assumption of the royal headship and supremacy in ecclesiastical and spiritual affairs, together with the prelatical hierarchy, as by law established, in the Church of England and Ireland; and also, against the assumed power of appointing to church offices on the part of the crown, of government officers or private patrons. This system we regard as sinful, opposed to the word of God, and involving great evils. This system we regard as opposed to the headship and supremacy of our Lord Jesus Christ,

who is the sole and exclusive Head of His Church. We regard this system, moreover, as subversive of that order and government which Christ has set up in his Church, and as opposed to those rights and liberties which Christ has in his word conferred on the

Christian people, as distinguished from Church officers. This system keeps the Church in captivity; it enslaves the people, and generates and perpetuates a slavish spirit. "The reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, wor

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