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ter some time a sudden light broke in upon him; interest is treated as of mean or of great acit seemed at length as if he could descry some- count in proportion to its influence upon the thing of a path, slippery, tangled, interrupted, history of civilization; and this circumstance but still practicable, and leading at least in the adds not a little to the effect with which each direction towards the object of his research. He character is discussed, still from the stateseagerly drew a figure on the stump of a neigh: man's point of view. In the introduction to boring tree with a piece of chalk; he felt assured that he had now the means of solving the great the volume Lord Brougham remarks:— problem; and although he afterwards tells us that he then had not a sufficiently clear notion It would be a very great mistake to suppose of the subject (eo tempore Porismatum naturam that there is no higher object in submitting these non satis compertam habebam), yet he accom- Sketches to the world than the gratification of plished enough to make him communicate a pa- curiosity respecting eminent statesmen, or even per upon the discovery to the Royal Society, the a more important purpose-the maintenance of first work he ever published (Phil. Trans. for a severe standard of taste respecting Oratorical 1723). He was wont in after life to show the Excellence. The main object in view has been the spot on which the tree, long since decayed, had maintenance of a severe standard of Public Virstood. tue, by constantly painting political profligacy in those hateful colors which are natural to it, though sometimes obscured by the lustre of talents, especially when seen through the false glare kind who are their real benefactors to teach shed by success over public crimes. To show manthem the wisdom of only exalting the friends of peace, of freedom, and of improvement - to warn them against the folly, so pernicious to themselves, of lavishing their applauses upon their worst enemies, those who disturb the tranquility, assail the liberties, and obstruct the improvement of the world-to reclaim them from the yet worser habit, so nearly akin to committed on a large scale, by regarding the vicious indulgence, of palliating cruelty and fraud success which has attended those foul enormities, or the courage and the address with which they have been perpetrated these are the views which have guided the pen that has attempted to sketch the History of George III's times, by describing the statesmen who flourished in them. With these views a work was begun many years ago, and interrupted by professional avocations

Simson died with his book of Porisms still unpublished. He could never satisfy himself of its perfection, though the world so readily acknowledged it when it was made public after his decease. His restoration of the Propositions of Apollonius he kept eight years before he suffered it to go to press. Then, when it was printed, his own higher sense of perfection caused him with a nervous haste to stop the publication and buy up what copies had been sold. It was not till after the lapse of another three years that the work appeared. This great mathematician loved the company of friends, dined very regularly with his Saturday Club at Anderston by Glasgow, took pleasure in whist, was strict with his partner, and was fond of calculating chances, at which he generally failed. He was fond of music too, we find, and sometimes would sing a Greek ode to a modern air. “Professor Robison says he twice heard him sing in this manner a Latin hymn to the Divine Geometer,' and adds, that the tears stood in his eyes as he gave it with devotional rapture." Truly one needs to be told that there were men of this mould to adorn and redeem the days of George the Third.

the history of two reigns in our own annals, for the arts of war and of government, commandthose of Harry V and Elizabeth, deemed glorious ing largely the admiration of the vulgar, justly famous for the capacity which they displayed, but extolled upon the false assumption that for eign conquest is the chief glory of a nation, and that habitual and dexterous treachery towards all What other kind of men there also were, mankind is the first accomplishment of a soverLord Brougham illustrates in the second and eign. To relate the story of those reigns in the third volume of the re-publication of his works, language of which sound reason prescribes the by notices of men of letters and statesmen; the detestation of cruelty which the uncorrupted use to express the scorn of falsehood and but such further space as we can at present feelings of our nature inspire-to call wicked give restricts us to the latter of these subjects. things by their right names, whether done by Among important additional matter now first princes and statesmen, or by vulgar and more printed in the edition before us, we find the harmless malefactors -was the plan of that volume of Sketches of Statesmen enriched by work. Longer experience of the world has only a copy of the remarkable letters addressed by George the Third to Lord North when the latter was first minister, and we propose to give some curious extracts from them.

We shall merely premise, of the execution of these political sketches generally, that regard is always had much more to the progress of society than to the success of this or that party or even national interest. Every such

excited a stronger desire to see such lessons inculcated, and to help in tearing off the veil which the folly of mankind throws over the

crimes of their rulers. But it was deemed better

to direct the attention of the people, in the first
characters, and more interesting events.
instance, to more recent times, better known
In this
opinion these Historical Sketches had their ori-
gin. The other work will probably (at least as
regards the author's name) be posthumous; it

must, from its nature, be too dull to be patiently | no difficulty in placing the second son's name borne from a living writer. instead of the father's, and making up the pension 3,000l."

That is indeed a kind of history much From the truly savage feelings which this letter wanted, and here are touches not likely to be displays, it is agreeable to turn the eye upon so amiable a constrast as the following affords, forgotten when contemporary incidents shall written to the minister whom he ever loved be be treated after such a fashion. The addi-yond all his other servants, and only quitted tions made comprise several new sketches, when the Coalition united him to the Whigs:— among which are promised Lords Plunket and "Having paid the last arrears (Sept. 1777) on Abinger, and Sir A. Pigot; but we must not the Civil List, I must now do the same for you. detain the reader longer from George the I have understood, from your hints, that you Third's private letters to his favorite minister. have been in debt ever since you settled in life. Of their authenticity there can be no question sist you with £10,000 or £15,000 or even £20,I must therefore insist that you allow me to aswhatever, though Lord Brougham does not 000 if that will be sufficient. It will be easy for explain in what way the copy from which they you to make an arrangement, or at proper times are printed appears to have been taken. That to take up that sum. You know me very ill if a copy has been used, and not the originals, you think not that, of all the letters I ever wrote we think clear-indeed the originals are some-to you, this one gives me the greatest pleasure: times abridged, and only the salient points of them preserved, in such a way as to make this evident. There is a note at p. 132 which would seem to connect it with Sir James Mackintosh.

We will at once show the character of the

letters by showing the use Lord Brougham makes of them in the following passage, which concludes his sketch of the king:

That this Prince in his private life had many virtues, we have already stated, with the qualification annexed of these being always, even as regarded his strong domestic affections, kept in subjection to his feelings as a sovereign. With regard to his general disposition, it must be added that he belonged to a class of men, not by any means the worst, but far beneath the best, in the constitution of their hearts, those who neither can forget a kindness nor an injury. Nor can this sketch be more appropriately closed than with two remarkable examples of the implacable hatred he bore his enemies, and the steady affection with which he cherished his friends.

and I want no return but your being convinced that I love you as well as a man of worth, as I esteem you a minister. Your conduct at a critical moment I never can forget."

It is not necessary for us to preface our further extracts by any views of our own upon He the character of George the Third. writes down unmistakably in these letters, under his own hand, whatever was bad in him and whatever was good. We have no need to say that he meddled in everything; that with sleepless activity he strove to seize and secure for the Crown the utmost possible patronage and power; that he was obstinate and narrow-sighted, yet also conscientious and really courageous; how much decorum there was in his mode of life, or how little logic in his modes of reasoning; for is not all of it here written down by himself, in the most life-like way?

Observe his watchful eye to patronage :"16 June, 1770.

"As Mr. Wallace declines the vacant seat on the K. bench, authorize you to enable Ld Mansfield to sound Mr. Ashurst: if he declines, the Ed Mansfield thinks superir in talents to Sergt preference must be given to Sergt Burland, whom Nares, particularly as I find the nomination of the latter wd be very detrimental to the interest of the D. of Malbh, as his Influence at Oxford wd be much shook by opening that Borough for

so many months."

"2d. January, 1772.

Among the former, Lord Chatham held the most conspicuous place, apparently from the time of the American question; for at an earlier period his correspondence with that great man was most friendly. But the following is his answer to Lord North's proposal that Lord Chatham's pension should be settled in reversion on his younger son, afterwards so well known as the second William Pitt. It bears date August 9th, 1775. "The making Lord Chatham's family suffer for the conduct of their father is not in the least agreeable to my sentiments. But I should choose to know him to be totally unable to appear again on the public stage before I agree to any offer of that kind, lest it should be wrongly construed into a fear of him; and indeed his political conduct the last winter was so abandoned, that he must, in the eyes of the dispassionate, have totally undone all the merit of his former conduct. As to any gratitude to be expected "I wish a List cd be prepared of those that from him or his family, the whole tenor of their went away and of thos that deserted to the Milives has shown them void of that most honora-nority (on Division in the Comee). That wd be a ble sentiment. But when decrepitude or death puts rule for my conduct in the Drawing Room toan end to him as a trumpet of sedition, I shall make morrow."

"Has heard from Ld Bellamont of the intention of Col. Luttrel to come over to resign his seat for Middx. Suggests a private intimation to Lord Townshend (Ld Lt) not to give the Col. leave."

"14 March, 1772.

"16 Feby. 1774.

"11 Feby. 1782.

"I am greatly incensed at the presumption of Charles Fox in forcing you to vote with him last to be appointed to the sinecure Office of Compt"Applies for Mr. Barnard, the K's Librarian, night, but approvement of your making yr roller or Collr of Customs at Bristol, just vaFriends vote in ye majy. Indeed that young cant." man has so thoroughly cast off every Principle of common honor and honesty that he must be"17 Feby. 1782. come as contemptible as he is odious. I hope you will let him know you are not insensible of his conduct towards you."

The young man soon ceased to be a member of the administration. In the next appointment care was to be taken, it will be seen, to ascertain beforehand whether the recipient meant to be grateful."

"21 April, 1775.

"I consent to Sir Wat. Willms being Lieutt of Mereoneth if he means to be grateful. If other wise, favors granted to Persons in opposition is not very politic."

"22d Feby. 1779.

"I do not see any reason to create a nominal office of Deputy Ranger of Greenwich for a Pension to be given with more éclat to M. Eden. The Pension in Trustees for the life of Mrs. Eden is the properest mode.

"If Dr. Priestley applies to my Librarian, he will have permission to see the Library, as other men of Science have had. But I can't think his character as a Politician or Divine, deserves my appearing at all in it. I am sorry Mr. Eden has any intimacy with that Doctor, as I am not overfond of those who frequent any Disciples or Companions of the Jesuits of Berkeley Square."

The Jesuits of Berkeley square were the habitués of Lansdowne house. Here we observe a curious note upon Francis:—

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"2nd July, 1779.

"I am confident my language was the only one fit to be held to the Attorney. The shewing him that if he continues to support in his present Office he will meet with my Countenance in his Profession as Events naturally arise. In short, I shewed him by inference, not words, it was more his interest to be faithful than to take any other line of conduct wh wd destroy him with me and make him not rise in the opinion of any party. His quickness seemed without saying anything to feel the weight of all I meant to convey."

That attorney who showed such commendable "quickness" was Churchill's "sly prim prater of the Northern race," the unscrupulous Wedderburne.

"If Deanery of St. Paul's not ment to Bp of Oxfd, begs it for Dr. Thurlow."

From many letters on the American question we select two that appear to us highly characteristic:


"31 Jany. 1778.

"I shd have been greatly surprised at the inclination expressed by you to retire, had I not known that, however you may now and then despond, yet that you have too much personal affection for me and sense of honor to allow such thought to take hold of yr mind. (Great praise followes). You must remember that before the recess I strongly advised you not to bind yourself to bring forward any Plan for restoring tranquillity to N. Amer., not from any absurd ideas of unconditional submission, which my mind never harboured, but from foreseeing that whatever can be proposed will be liable not to bring Amer. back to her attachment, but to dissatisfy this Country, wh so cheerfully and handsomely carries on the Contest, and has a right to have the struggle continued until convinced that it is vain. Perhaps this is the minute that you ought to be least in hurry to produce a plan, for every letter from France adds to the probability of a speedy declaration of War. Shd that happen, it might be wise to withdraw the troops from the Revolted Provinces, and, having strengthened Canada, etc., to make war on the French and Spanish Islands. Success in that object will repay our exertions; and this Country, having had its attention diverted to a fresh object, wd be in a better temper to subscribe to such terms as Administration might offer to Amer. I dont mean to reject all ideas, if a Foreign War shd not arise this Session, of laying a Proposition before Parlt, etc."

"7th March, 1780.

"Approves Budget. In answer pretty evidently to a hint about American independence. 'I can never suppose this Country so far lost to all ideas of self-importance as to be willing to grant Amer. independence. If that cd be ever universally adopted, I shall dispair of this Country being preserved from a state of Inferiority. I hope never to live to see that day, for however I am treated I must love this Country."

We add a number of communications exhibiting, all of them, the strong grasp by which and the vain efforts of the minister-tied by the king sought to retain Lord North in office, false notions of loyalty and duty-to effect his escape. All this has never before been set so clearly before the world.


"19th May, 1770.

"You cannot doubt that I recd wh pleasure the
account of Mr. Burke's bill having been defeated.
But you cannot be surprised at my real sorrow
in seeing you persist in the idea that your health
will not permit you to remain in yr present si-
tuation. Had I the power of Oratory of the
Pen of an Addison, I cd say no more than what
I can convey in the few follg Lines, viz.: that I
am conscious, if you will resolve wh spirit to
continue in your prest employt, that, with the
assistance of a new Parliament, I shall be able
to keep the present Constitution of the Country
in its pristine Lustre; that there is no means of
letting you retire from taking the lead that will
not probably end in evil, and, therefore, that till
I see things change to a more favorable situation,
I shall not think myself at liberty to grant your
request. You must be the Judge wr you can
honorably desert me when infaillible Evil must


"19 March, 1782. "After having yesterday in the most solemn manner assured you that my sentiments of honor wd not permit me to send for any of the Leaders of Opposition and personally treat wh them, I cd not but be hurt at yr letter of last night. Evy man must be the sole Judge of his Feelings, therefore whatever you or any man can say avail with me.

has no

"Till I have heard what the Chanr has done, from his own mouth, I shall take no step; and if you resign before I have decided what to do, YOU WILL CERTAINLY FOR EVER FORFEIT MY REGARD."

"27 March 1782.

"At length the fatal, day is come, which the misfortunes of the Times, and ye sudden change of Sentiments of the H. of C. have driven me to, of changing my Ministers, and a more general removal of other Persons than I believe ever was known before. I have to the last fought for Individuals; but the number I have saved, except my Bed Chamber, is incredibly few. You wd hardly believe that even the D. of Montague was strongly run at; but I declared that I wd sooner let confusion follow, than part wh the late govr of my Sons, and so unexceptionable a man; so that he and Ld Ashburn remain. The effusion of my sorrows has made me say more than I intended; but I ever did, and ever shall, look on you as a Friend as well as a faithful scrvt."

taking this unpleasant step. But I declare in proof of my desire to forward your wishes than the strongest and most solemn manner that I do Chatham; yet that you must acquaint him that I shall never address myself to him but through not object to your addressing yourself to Ld you, and on a clear explanation that he is to step are first Lord of the Treasury, and that I cannot forth to support an administration wherein you the Ministry is formed; that if he comes into consent to have any conversation with him till this I will, as he supports you, receive him with open arms.

you, provided Lord Suffolk, Lord Weymouth,
and my two able Lawyers are satisfied as to their
Situations; but chuse Ellis for Secy at War in
preference to Barré, who in that event will get a
more lucrative Employment, BUT WILL NOT BE

I leave the whole arrangement to

fore your eyes my most inmost thoughts, that no "Having said this, I will only add, to put beadvantage to my Country nor personal danger Chatham or to any other branch of opposition. to myself can make me address myself to Lord Honestly, I would rather lose the Crown I now wear than bear the ignominy of possessing it under their shackles. I might write volumes if I would state the feelings of my mind; but I have honestly, fairly, and affectionately told you the whole of my mind and what I will never depart before he gives an answer, I shall most certainly from. Should Lord Chatham wish to see me refuse it. I have had enough of personal negotiations, and neither my dignity nor my feelings will ever let me again submit to it.

"Men of less Principle and honesty than I pretend to may look on public measures and tion; but I am shocked at the base arts all those opinions as a game. I always act from convicmen have used, therefore cannot go towards them. If they come to your assistance, I will accept them."5

"16 March, 1778.

alone from a wish not to conceal the most private corners of your breast in writing the letter you "I am fully convinced that you are actuated have just sent unto me; but my dear Lord, it is not private pique, but an opinion formed on an experience of a Reign of now Seventeen years, that makes me resolve to run any personal risk, rather than submit to Opposition wh every plan deviating from strengthening the present administration is more or less tending to. I am certain, while I can have no one object in view but Not dated, but written on 15th March, 1778. who certainly wd make me a Slave for the reto be of use to the Country, it is impossible I can. be deserted, and the road opened to a set of men "On a subject which has for many months en-mainder of my Days, and, whatever they may grossed my thoughts, I cannot have the smallest pretend, we go to the most unjustifiable lengths difficulty instantly to answer the letter I have just of cruelty and destruction of those who have received from you. My sole wish is to keep you stood forth in public offices, of wh you wd be the at the head of the Treasury, and as my Con- first Victim.' fidential Minister. That end obtained, I am willing through your Channel to accept any description of Person that will come avowedly to the to a subject on which we never can agree. Your "17 March, 1778. Subject of your administration, and as such do letter is certainly personally affectionate to me: "I am grieved at your continually recurring not object to Ld Shelburne and Mr. Barré, who personally perhaps I dislike as much as Alder- it shews no sign of personal fear; but my dear A man Wilkes; and I cannot give you a stronger no consideration in life shall make me stoop to (Lord)

opposition. I am still ready to accept any part declared a resolution of continuing, if I cannot of them that will come to the assistance of my make an arrangement to my satisfaction. This present efficient Ministers; but whilst any Ten determination thoroughly satisfies me." Men in the Kingdom will stand by

me, I will not give myself up into bandage. My (Lord)

dear I will rather risk my Crown than do what I think pesonally disgraceful. It is impossible that the nation shd not stand by me. If they will not, they shall have anothr King; for I never will put my hand to what will make me miserable to the last hour of my life. Therefore let Thurlow instantly know that I will appoint him Chaner; and the Solr Genl that, if he does not chuse to be Atty Genl, he will treat wh the C. J. of the C. P. to resign."

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"18th March, 1778.

"12 Feby. p. 9 P. M.

"I am sorry you take so much to heart the division of this day. I am convinced that this country will never regain a proper tone, unless Ministers, as in the time of K. William, will not mind being now and then in a minority. If it comes to the worst, the Bill will be thrown out in the Lords: the day of Trial is not the honorable one to desert me. Keep the merit of having stepped forth when I was in distress, by staying till the Scene becomes serene."

Nothing could so strikingly have illustrated "the reign of "George the Third" as the Convey to Thurlow and Wedn my Inten- letters thus at last given to the world by Lord tions. Then and not till then I am open to Brougham. We close with a brief additional the plan of Ministry proposed by you on San- letter which contains the clue to all the preday. I never will accept the services of any ceding, and indeed to the entire character of Part of Opposition but to strengthen you. To the king. give you Ease, I consent to what gives me infinite Pain, but any farther even that consideration will not make me go. Rather than be shackled by those desperate men (if the nation will not stand by me) will rather see any form of Govt introduced into this Island, and lose my Crown, than wear it as a disgrace."

"26 May, 1778. "The degree to which you have pressed me to resign for the last three months, has given me much uneasiness; but it never made me harbor any thought to the disadvantage of your worth. Now you are alarmed lest you have offended me, when there is not the least reason, as you have

"4 Nov. 1782.

"The Times certainly require the concurrence of all who wish to prevent anarchy. I have no wish but the prosperity of my dominions; THEREFORE, MUST LOOK ON ALL WHO WILL NOT HEARTILY ASSIST ME AS BAD MEN, AS WELL AS UNGRATEFUL SUBJECTS."

Wonderful logic! The king had no wish but the prosperity of his dominions, and therefore all who would not heartily assist him he regarded as bad men no less than ungrateful subjects!!

PERSIAN AMBASSADOR. During the year 1819, Court had no desire to be accessory to his decapiMirza Aboul Hassan Khan was sent to this coun- tation, it was resolved that the simplest way to try as an envoy from the King of Persia, for the avoid difficulties was to dispense with the inpurpose of cultivating or cementing friendly re-terview altogether." lations between the two empires. Being at the same period despatched on a similar mission to the French capital, he remained there for some time, but ultimately quitted it, without having even presented his credentials at the Tuileries. The reason assigned for this was, that

The Mirza then proceeded to the British Court, where he was charged with a precisely similar mission, and of course had the same modest punctilio to conserve. I find, however, that the Regent was firmly seated on his throne during the reception which followed; but am totally at a "The Mirza expected the king to stand up in loss to discover whether or not the Mirza was his presence, and, in that posture, receive the let-then accommodated with a chair beside his Royal ter with which he was intrusted from his master. This the king could not do, being ill at the time Perhaps some of your older correspondents with gout. His excellency next insisted that he may remember whether the objections taken at must sit beside his Majesty, or at least in front the French Court were again urged here, and if of him, otherwise he should have his head cut off so, how the scruples of the Mirza came to be on his return. As neither of these points of eti-reconciled. quette could be complied with, and the French


Notes and Queries.


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