Fourth, there was the same figure. To the civil and religious liberties. It had been : 66 thought necessary for the preservation of these, first he was tearfully conscientious, and at the It may be asked, how came the English people to endure this? They are not naturally illiberal; on the contrary, though slow and cautious, they are prone to steady improvement, and not at all disposed to acquiesce in the unlimited perfection of their rulers. On a certain imaginative side there is or was a strong feeling of loyalty, of attachment to what is old, love for what is ancestral, belief in what has been tried. But the fond attachment to the past is a very different idea from a slavish adoration of the present. Nothing is more removed from the Eldonine idolatry of the status quo than the old cavalier feeling of deep idolatry for the ancient realm - that half-mystic idea that consecrated what it touched; the moonlight, as it were, which "Silver'd the walls of Cumnor Hall, And many an oak that grew thereby.” Why, then, did the English endure the ever The fact is, that Lord Eldon's rule was maintained a great deal on the same motives as that of Louis Napoleon. One can fancy his astonishment at hearing it said, and his "Lord Grey," says the biographer, "hav- cheerful rejoinder, "That whatever he was, ing introduced a bill for dispensing with the and Mr. Brougham was in the habit of calling declarations prescribed by the acts of 25 and him strange names, no one should ever make of 30 Car. II., against the doctrine of Tran- him believe that he was a Bonaparte." But, substantiation, and the Invocation of Saints, in fact, he was, like the present Emperor, the moved the second reading of it on the 10th of head of what is called in our modern phrase June, when the Lord Chancellor again op- the party of order. Everybody knows what posed the principle of such a measure, urging keeps Louis Napoleon in his place. It is not that the law which had been introduced under attachment to him, but dread of what he reCharles II. had been reenacted in the first strains-dread of revolution. The present parliament of William III., the founder of our may not be good, and having such news 66 papers, you might say no newspapers,- is utterly denied, when each man has a different really dreadful; but it is better than no trade, view from his neighbor, when an intellectual bankrupt banks, loss of income, loss of old change has set father and son at variance, savings; your mother beheaded on destructive when a man's own household are the special principles; your eldest son shot on conserva- foes of his favorite and self-adopted creed. A tive ones. Very similar was the feeling of bold and original mind breaks through these Englishmen in the year 1800. They had no vexations, and forms for itself a theory satisliking at all for the French system. States- factory to its notions, and sufficient for its men saw its absurdity, holy men were shocked wants. A weak mind yields a passive obediat its impiety, mercantile men saw its effect ence to those among whom it is thrown. But on the 5 per cents. Everybody was revolted a mind which is searching without being creaby its cruelty. That it came across the tive, which is accurate and logical enough to Channel was no great recommendation. A see defects, without being combinative or inwitty writer of our own time says, that if a still ventive enough to provide remedies, which, in Mussulman, in his flowing robes, wished to the old language, is discriminative rather than give his son a warning against renouncing his discursive, is wholly unable, out of the medfaith, he would take the completest, smartest, ley of new suggestions, to provide itself with dapperest French dandy out of the streets of an adequate belief; and it naturally falls back Pera, and say, There, my son, if you ever on the status quo. This is, at least, clear and come to forget God and the Prophet, you may simple and defined; you know at least what come to look like that." Exactly similar in you propose-where you end - why you old conservative speeches is the use of the pause; an argumentative defence it is, doubtFrench Revolution. If you proposed to alter less, difficult to find; but there are arguanything, of importance or not of importance, ments on all sides; the world is a medley of legal or social, religious or not religious, the arguments; no one is agreed in which direcsame answer was ready. "You see what the tion to alter the world: what is proposed is French have come to. They made alterations; as liable to objection as what exists; nonsense if we make alterations, who knows but we for nonsense, the old should keep its ground: may end in the same way?" It was not any and so in times of convulsion, the philosophic peculiar bigotry in Lord Eldon that actuated scepticism - the ever-questioning hesitation him, or he would have been powerless; still of Hume and Montaigne - the subtlest quintless was it any affected feeling which he put essence of the most restless and refining abforward (though, doubtless, he was aware of straction- becomes allied to the stupidest, its persuasive potency, and worked on it most crudest acquiescence in the present and conskilfully to his own ends); it really was gen-crete world. You may sometimes observe in uine, hearty, craven fear; and he ruled natu- conservative literature (the remark is as true rally the commonplace Englishman, because of religion as of politics) alternations of senhe sympathized in his sentiments, and excelled him in his powers. tences, the first an appeal to the coarsest prejudice, the next a subtle hint to a craving and insatiable scepticism. You may trace it sometimes even in Vesey junior. Lord Eldon never read Hume or Montaigne, but occasionally, in the interstices of cumbrous law, you may find sentences with their meaning, if not in their manner: "Dumpor's case always struck me as extraordinary, but if you depart from Dumpor's case, what is there to prevent a departure in every direction?" There was, too, another cause beside fear which then inclined, and which in similar times of miscellaneous revolution will ever incline, subtle rather than creative intellects to a narrow conservatism. Such intellects require an exact creed; they want to be able clearly to distinguish themselves from those around them; to tell to each man where they differ and why they differ; they cannot make assumptions; they cannot, like the merely The glory of the Edinburgh Review is that practical man, be content with rough and ob- from the first it steadily set itself to oppose vious axioms; they require a theory. Such this timorous acquiescence in the actual sysa want it is difficult to satisfy in an age of tem. On domestic subjects the history of confusion and tumult, when old habits are the first thirty years of the eighteenth century shaken, old views overthrown, ancient as-is a species of duel between the Edinburgh sumptions rudely questioned, ancient inferences Review and Lord Eldon. All the ancient abuses which he thought it most dangerous to impair, they thought it most dangerous to retain. "To appreciate the value of the Edinburgh Review," says one of the founders, "the state of England at the period when that journal began should be had in remembrance. The Catholics were not emancipated. The Corporation and Test Acts were unrepealed. The game-laws were horribly oppressive; steeltraps and spring guns were set all over the country; prisoners tried for their lives could have no counsel. Lord Eldon and the Court of Chancery pressed heavily on mankind. Libel was punished by the most cruel and vindictive imprisonments. The principles of political economy were little understood. The laws of debt and conspiracy were on the worst footing. The enormous wickedness of the slave-trade was tolerated. A thousand evils were in existence which the talents of good and noble men have since lessened or removed: and these efforts have been not a little assisted by the honest boldness of the Edinburgh Review." And even more characteristic than the advocacy of these or any other partial or particular reforms is the systematic opposition of the Edinburgh Review to the crude acquiescence in the status quo; the timorous dislike to change because it was change; the optimistic conclusion, "That what is, ought to be;" the sceptical query, "How do you know that what you say will be any better?" and speculations, restricts them to what is clear and intelligible, and at hand. "I cannot," said Sir S. Romilly, "be convinced without arguments, and I do not see that either Burke or Paine advance any." He was unable to see that the most convincing arguments, some of those in the work of Burke, which he alludes to, are certainly sound enough, — may be expressed imaginatively, and may work a far firmer persuasion than any neat and abstract statement. Nor are the intellectual powers of the characteristic element in this party exactly of the loftiest order; they have no call to make great discoveries, or pursue unbounded designs, or amaze the world by some wild dream of empire and renown. That terrible essence of daring genius, such as we see it in Napoleon, and can imagine it in some of the conquerors of old time, is utterly removed from their cool and placid judgment. In taste they are correct, as it is called, better appreciating the complete compliance with explicit and ascertained rules, than the unconscious exuberance of inexplicable and unforeseen beauties. In their own writings, accordingly, they display the defined neatness of the second order, rather than the aspiring hardihood of the first excellence. In action they are quiet and reasonable rather than inventive and overwhelming. Their power indeed is scarcely intellectual; on the contrary, it resides in what Aristotle would have called their reos, In this defence of the principle of innova- and we should call their nature. They are tion, a defence which it requires great imagin- emphatically pure-natured and firm-natured. ation (or, as we suggested, the looking across Instinctively casting aside the coarse temptathe channel) to conceive the difficulty of now, tions and crude excitements of a vulgar earth, the Edinburgh Review was but the doctrinal they pass like a September breeze across the organ of the Whigs. A great deal of philos- other air, cool and refreshing, unable, one ophy has been expended in endeavoring to might fancy, even to comprehend the many fix and express theoretically the creed of that offences with which all else is fainting and party various forms of abstract doctrine oppressed. So far even as it is intellectual, have been drawn out, in which elaborate sen- their excellence consists less in the superemitence follows hard on elaborate sentence, to nent possesion of any single talent or endowbe set aside, or at least vigorously questioned, ment, than in the simultaneous enjoyment by the next or succeeding inquirers. In truth and felicitous adjustment of many or several; Whiggism is not a creed, it is a character. in a certain balance of the faculties which we Perhaps as long as there has been a political call judgment or sense, which placidly and history in this country there have been cer- easily indicates to them what should be done, tain men of a cool, moderate, resolute firm- and which is not preserved without an equable ness, not gifted with high imagination, little calm, and a patient, persistent watchfulness. prone to enthusiastic sentiment, heedless of To a singular degree in such men the moral large theories and speculations, careless of and intellectual nature seem to become one. dreamy scepticism; with a clear view of the next Whether, according to the Greek question, step, and a wise intention to act on it; with manly virtue can be taught or not, assuredly a strong conviction that the elements of know-it has never been taught to them; it seems a ledge are true, and a steady belief that the pres-native endowment; it seems a soul-a soul ent world can, and should be, quietly improved. of honor-as we speak, within the exterior These are the Whigs. A tinge of simplicity still clings to the character; of old it was the Country Party. The limitation of their imagination is in some sort an advantage to such men; it confines them to a simple path, prevents their being drawn aside by various soul; a fine impalpable essence, more exquisite than the rest of the being; as the thin gauzelike pillar of the cloud, more beautiful than the pure blue of heaven, governing and guiding a simple way through the dark wilderness of our world. To descend from such elevations, among | Many will prefer the bold felicities of daring people Sir Samuel Romilly is the best-known genius, the deep plans of latent and searching type of this character. His admirable" Life," sagacity, the hardy triumphs of an overawing we mean the biography, has enshrined, as it and imperious will. Yet it is not unremarkwere, and yet made public, his admirable able that an experienced and erudite Frenchvirtues. Yet it is probable that among the man, not unalive to artistic effect, has just now aristocratic Whigs, persons as typical of the selected this very species of character for the character can be found. This species of noble main figure in a large portion of an elaborate nature is exactly of the kind which hereditary work. The hero M. Villemain is one to associations tend to purify and confirm; exact- whom he delights to ascribe such things as ly that casual, delicate, placid virtue which bon sens, esprit juste, cœur excellent. The it is so hard to find, perhaps so sanguine to result, it may be owned, is a little dull, yet expect, in a rough tribune of the people. it is not the less characteristic. The instructed Defects enough there are in this character, observer has detected the deficiency of his on which we shall say something; yet it is country. If France had more men of firm wonderful to see what an influence in this will, quiet composure, with a suspicion sublunary sphere it gains and preserves. of enormous principle and a taste for moderate The world makes an oracle of its judgment. improvement; if a Whig party, in a word, There is a curious living instance of this. were possible in France, France would be You may observe that when an ancient liberal, free. And though there are doubtless crises Lord John, or any of the essential sect, has in affairs, dark and terrible moments, when a done anything very queer, the last thing you more creative intellect is needful to propose, would imagine anybody would dream of doing, a more dictatorial will is necessary to carry and is attacked for it, he always answers out a sudden and daring resolution; though boldly, Lord Lansdowne said I might;" in times of inextricable confusion-perhaps or if it is a ponderous day, the eloquence the present is one of them-a more abstruse runs, "A noble friend with whom I have and disentangling intellect is required to ever had the inestimable advantage of being associated from the commencement (the infantile period, I might say) of my political life, and to whose advice, &c. &c. &c.". and a very cheerful existence it must be for my noble friend to be expected to justify-(for they never say it except they have done It is evident that between such men and something very odd)-and dignify every Lord Eldon there could be no peace; and aberration. Still it must be a beautiful feel- between them and the Edinburgh Review ing to have a man like Lord John, to have there was an equally natural alliance. Not a stiff, small man bowing down before you. only the kind of reforms there proposed, And a good judge certainly suggested the the species of views therein maintained, but conferring of this authority: "Why do not the very manner in which those views and they talk over the virtues and excellences alterations are put forward and maintained, of Lansdowne? There is no man who performs is exactly what they would like. The kind the duties of life better, or fills a high station of writing suitable to such minds is not the in a more becoming manner. He is full elaborate, ambitious, exhaustive discussion of knowledge, and eager for its acquisition. of former ages, but the clear, simple, occasional His remarkable politeness is the result of good writing (as we just now described it) of the nature, regulated by good sense. He looks present times. The opinions to be expressed for talents and qualities among all ranks are short and simple; the innovations sugof men, and adds them to his stock of society,gested are natural and evident; neither one as a botanist does his plants; and while other nor the other require more than an intelligible aristocrats are yawning among stars and statement, a distinct exposition to the world; garters, Lansdowne is refreshing his soul with the fancy and genius which he has found in odd places, and gathered to the marbles and pictures of his palace. Then he is an honest politician, a wise statesman, and has a philosophic mind, &c. &c."* Here is dévotion for a carping critic; and who ever heard before of bonhomie in an idol? It may strike some that this equable kind of character is not the most interesting. * Sydney Smith, Memoirs, vol. I. p. 489. untwist the ravelled perplexities of a complicated world; yet England will cease to be the England of our fathers, when a large share in great affairs is no longer given to the equable sense, the composed resolution, the homely purity of the characteristic Whigs. and their reception would be only impeded and complicated by operose and cumbrous argumentation. The exact mind which of all others dislikes the stupid adherence to the status quo, is the keen, quiet, improving Whig mind; the exact kind of writing most adapted to express that dislike is the cool, pungent, didactic essay. Equally common to the Whigs and the Edinburgh Review is the enmity to the sceptical, over-refining Toryism of Hume and Montaigne. The Whigs, it is true, have a It is, indeed, no wonder that the Edinburgh Review should be agreeable to the Whigs, for the people who founded it were Whigs. Among these, three stand preeminent,- Horner, Jeffrey, and Sydney Smith. Other men of equal ability may have contributed-and a few did contribute to its pages; but these men were, more than any one else, the first Edinburgh Review. conservatism of their own, but it instinctively the world can be improved. And thus what clings to certain practical rules tried by we may call the middle species of writing steady adherence to appropriate formula which is intermediate between the light, verified by the regular application and steady frivolous style of merely amusing literature, success of many ages. Political philosophers and the heavy, conscientious elaborateness speak of it as a great step when the idea of an of methodical philosophy - the style of the attachment to one organized code and system original Edinburgh—is, in truth, as opposed of rules and laws takes the place of the to the vague, desponding conservatism of the exclusive oriental attachment to the person sceptic, as it is to the stupid conservatism of the of the single monarch. This step is natural, crude and uninstructed; and substantially for is instinctive to the Whig mind; that cool the same reason- that it is addressed to men impassive intelligence is little likely to yield of cool, clear, and practical understandings. to ardent emotions of personal loyalty; but The periodical which began the new system its chosen ideal is a body or collection of wise naturally showed its efficiency and exemplified rules fitly applicable to great affairs, pleasing its relations. a placid sense by an evident propriety, gatifying the clear capacity for business by a constant and steady applicability. The Whigs are constitutional by instinct, as the Cavaliers were monarchical by devotion. It has been a jest at their present leader that he is over-familiar with public forms and parliamentary rites. Their first wish is to retain the constitution; their second- and it is of almost equal strength-is to improve it. Francis Horner's was a short and singular Their creed is, that the body of laws now life. He was the son of an Edinburgh shopexisting is, in the main and in its essence, keeper. He died at thirty-nine; and when he excellent; but yet that there are exceptional died, from all sides of the usually cold House defects which should be remedied, superficial of Commons great statesmen and thorough inconsistencies that should be corrected. The most opposite creed in the world is that of the sceptic, who teaches that you are to keep what is because it exists; not from a conviction of its excellence, but from an uncertainty that anything better can be obtained. The one is an attachment to precise rules for specific reasons; the other an acquiescence in the present on grounds that would be equally applicable to its very opposite, from a disbelief in the possibility of improvement, and a conviction of the uncertainty of all things. And equally adverse to an unlimited scepticism is the nature of popular writing. It is true that the greatest teachers of that creed have sometimes, and as it were of set purpose, adopted that species of writing; yet essentially it is inimical to them. Its appeal is to the people; as has been shown, it addresses the elite of common men, sensible in their affairs, intelligent in their tastes, influential among their neighbors. What is absolute scepticism to such men? a dream, a chimera, an inexplicable absurdity. Tell it to them to-day, and they will have forgotten it to-morrow. A man of business hates elaborate trifling. "If you do not believe your own senses, he will say, "there is no use in my talking to you." As to the multiplicity of arguments and the complexity of questions, he feels them little. He has a plain, simple, as he would say, practical way of looking at the matter; and you will never make him comprehend any other. He knows gentlemen got up to deplore his loss. Tears are rarely parliamentary: all men are arid towards young Scotchmen; yet it was one of that inclement nation whom statesmen of the species Castlereagh, and statesmen of the species Whitbread-with all the many kinds and species that lie between the tworose in succession to lament. The fortunes and superficial features of the man make it more singular. He had no wealth, was a briefless barrister, never held an office, was a conspicuous member of the most unpopular of all oppositions- the opposition to a glorious and successful war. He never had the means of obliging any one. He was destitute of showy abilities: he had not the intense eloquence or overwhelming ardor which enthral and captivate popular assemblies: his powers of administration were little tried, and may possibly be slightly questioned. In his youthful reading he was remarkable for laying down, for a few months of study, enormous plans, such as many years would scarcely complete; and not especially remarkable for doing anything wonderful towards accomplishing those plans. Sir Walter Scott, who, though by no means illiberal in his essential intellect, was a keen partisan on superficial matters, and no lenient critic on actual Edinburgh Whigs, used to observe, "I cannot admire your Horner; he always reminds me of Obadiah's bull, who, though he never certainly did produce a calf, nevertheless went about his business with so much gravity that |
