a democratical and revolutionary party (which the Romish party in Ireland unquestionably is) invariably augment in proportion to the amount of the concessions made to them. We must here avail ourselves of the language of an admirable historian.

"The Constituent assembly," says Mr. Alison, "if it has done nothing else, has at least bequeathed one important political lesson to mankind, which is, the vanity of the hope, that by conceding to the demands of a revolutionary party for an increase of political power, it is possible to put a stop to further encroachments. It is the nature of such a desire as of every other vehement passion, to be insatiable; to feed on concessions and acquisitions; and become more powerful and dangerous in proportion as less remains for it to attain. This truth was signally demonstrated by the history of this memorable assembly. Concession then went on at the gallop; the rights of the king, the nobles, the clergy, the parliament, the corporations, the provinces, were abandoned as fast as they were attacked. Resistance was no where attempted; and yet the popular party incessantly rose in their demands. Democratic ambition was never so violent as when it had triumphed over every other authority in the state. The legislature, the leaders of the state, in vain strove to maintain their ascendancy by giving up every thing which their antagonists demanded; in proportion as they receded, their opponents advanced, and the party which had professed at first a desire only for a fair proportion of political influence, soon became indignant if the slightest opposition was made to its authority.

"This extraordinary fact suggests an important conclusion in political science, which was first enunciated by Mr. Burke, but has since his time been abundantly verified by experience. This is, that there is a wide difference between popular convulsions which spring from real grievances, and those which arise merely from popular zeal or democratic ambition. There is a boundary to men's passions when they act from reason, resentment, or interest, but none when they are stimulated by imagination or ambition. Remove the grievances complained of, and when men act from the first motives, you go a great way towards quieting a commotion. But the good or bad conduct of a government, the protection men have enjoyed, or the oppression they have suffered under it, are of no sort of moment, when a faction, proceeding on speculative grounds, is thoroughly heated against its form '."

These conclusions of a profound and practical philosophy, have been strikingly verified in the history of Ireland for the last half century. Concession has followed concession, and yet the demands of the democratical party have steadily and continually increased. Fifty years ago, the claim was restricted to the right of exercising the legislative franchise or the repeal of the penal laws; twenty years since, it was a demand for admission to Parliament and to

1 Alison's Europe, vol. i. p. 268-270.

the great offices of state; it has now swelled into a demand for the abolition of the Church establishment and a repeal of the union; it may next insist on the separation of the empire, or the appointment of Roman Catholic ministers, or the removal of the restrictions now imposed by law on the religion of the Sovereign. Now we are of course aware that it will be answered that this continuance and increase of democratic agitation is to be attributed solely to our very tardy and imperfect concessions-that had we fifty years ago, given full and ample satisfaction to the first claims made upon us, we should have been entirely relieved from all further demands. We can only say, that all the experience of history is opposed to such a notion; and had this course been adopted, we should either have been obliged long ago to reconquer Ireland; or that country would have established its independence, and would be at this moment the rival and the enemy of England.

But we now come to the consideration of the Church establishment of Ireland, which furnishes one of the chief pretexts at present for the continuance of democratic agitation in that country. We can understand and fully enter into the feelings of Romanists with reference to the Irish branch of the national Church. They very naturally object to the existence of that Church in Ireland, holding as it does, a position which enables it to rival their own in many respects; and they are fully aware that it is by no means a contemptible rival-that it is receiving accessions of converts from the Roman Communion; that even under its many disadvantages, the effects produced on the popular mind in Ireland are dangerous to the sway of Romanism-that numbers of Roman Catholics are only deterred by the fear of persecution from openly uniting themselves to the Church. We can make every possible allowance for the feelings of Romanists in contemplating such a state of things; and hence, in proportion as the Church has acquired increased efficiency in Ireland; in proportion as its ministers have become distinguished for a more zealous discharge of their sacred duties for greater piety, and learning, and sanctity-in the same proportion has the violence of the attack upon the Church from Romanists augmented and the conscientious self-devotion of the Irish clergy has exposed them, and the Church at large, to a torrent of obloquy, misrepresentation, and enmity, with the avowed object of despoiling them of the moderate funds which constitute their support, and thus diminishing the number of these dangerous advocates of truth.

This was attempted, and for a time successfully attempted, as regarded the revenues of the Church, in 1829 and the following years, when the Roman Catholic population refused to pay tithes; but the Legislature at that time was not prepared for the total

destruction of the Irish Church, and the property of the Church (reduced however by one whole quarter of its amount) was finally preserved. But the struggle has been continued in different shapes ever since.

We have accounted in some degree for the augmented hostility to the Church in Ireland by its own increased efficiency. This is a fact which the most violent opponents of the Church do not venture to deny it is a matter of notoriety that the Church of Ireland has been rapidly and steadily improving, and that the clergy, as a body, are distinguished by piety and zeal. This is now becoming known in foreign countries. We cite the following testimony from the very interesting and curious publication of the Archbishop of Upsal, entitled a "Review of the latest events and present state of the Church of Christ."

"The Protestant clergy of Ireland are praised for their zeal and activity in their calling. Their troublesome, uneasy, and often dangerous situation in the midst of a popish population, which far out-numbers their own, impels them to increased vigilance and attention to their duties."-p. 131.

The truth is, that if liberty of conscience were permitted in Ireland, the Church would in a very short time hold a very different position from what she now does. While, however, conversion to her brings along with it every kind of persecution, extending even to peril of life, it cannot be expected that the process of conversion should proceed with as much rapidity as it would otherwise. Still we are satisfied, that the numbers of Churchmen in Ireland are considerably on the increase at present, and we have no doubt that a census of them now taken, would very largely exceed the census of 1834. We would strongly recommend this subject to the consideration of the friends of the Church of Ireland in parliament: we cannot entertain any doubt that a census fairly taken at this time would be highly advantageous to the cause of the Church. In truth, unless we are to disbelieve statements made by the most competent authorities, and facts which are matters of public notoriety, such must be the case. We appeal to the uncontradicted statements of Lord Stanley in the House of Commons some years since.

"He would quote them a passage from the work of a recent traveller in Ireland who was he believed impartial, from the work of Mr. Inglis, in which it was stated, that in all cases in which Protestant Churches had been established in parishes with zealous ministers, the result has been that a congregation was speedily created, and that it was a matter of regret that the Protestant religion was not by its preachers more extensively disseminated throughout the country. He would also remind the house of the authority of Mr. Leader, lately a member for Kil

kenny, who was by no means a bigoted Protestant, and who had stated that he had been instrumental in establishing Churches in places wherein it was supposed that there was scarcely a Protestant to be found, and that nevertheless when they were once established, there was no lack of congregation "."

2

·

The facts stated by Mr. Bruen in the following passage are very remarkable and cheering.

"What funds are now wanted for the building of churches? In the parish where I lived, the number of attendants at church was at first about 200 or 300; they increased to 600. A new church was called for and built, and both were completely filled. A similar instance took place in a neighbouring parish, with similar results. In the parish where I at present attend divine worship, a few years ago there were but five or six Protestants, a new church was demanded, so bad was the state of the old one; funds were difficult to procure; but the new church has been built, and there is at present a congregation of 150, and subscriptions are about to be set on foot to erect a gallery, as there are no funds, the church not being able to contain those anxious to come3."

Such facts as these afford the strongest and most satisfactory proofs of the expansive power of the Church in Ireland. It is true that Romanism has a great numerical superiority at present, but that superiority is only kept up by force and intimidation. The poor Protestants in the south of Ireland are in many cases subjected to persecution in various shapes from their Romish fellow-subjects, and their position is rendered so painful and so perilous, that numbers of them are compelled to emigrate to other countries. This is a positive and certain fact, which the clergy of Ireland can attest, and which has been asserted in parliament without contradiction. The Right Hon. Frederick Shaw in the debates on the Appropriation clause, made the following statements, which are capable of being substantiated on the fullest evidence.

"You say Protestantism is not increasing; but what is the case with the poor, unhappy Protestants in the south of Ireland? Scattered through a country such as I have described, persecuted and oppressed, they are generally driven either into societies for self-defence; to assume for personal safety the guise of a religion in which they do not. believe; or what is more irreparable, to seek in a foreign country the peace and protection which they cannot find in their own. I have it on good information, and I believe that within the last few years, upwards of 150,000 Protestants (the flower of our Protestant yeomanry) have emigrated from Ireland 4."

2 Hansard, 1835, vol. xxvii. p. 637.

3 Ibid. p. 849.

4 Ibid.

p.

818.

Such statements will doubtless appear exaggerated and incredible to those who have passed their lives in the possession of that religious liberty which every Englishman so amply enjoys; they are, however, simple matters of fact which are perfectly well known to the clergy and the Protestant people of the south of Ireland. Were they not matters of sufficient notoriety, they would not have been appealed to as they have been by men of the highest character for integrity and sincerity; or some evidence would have been produced to rebut their assertions. We must here quote the eloquent and touching appeal of one, for whose high abilities and self-denying zeal in behalf of the Irish Church, we entertain the most cordial respect.

"It is an easy thing," says Dr. O'Sullivan, "for persons who sit at ease in their possessions, in a protected and peaceful land, to dismiss from their thoughts the fears and fates of humble men, whom it serves some transient purpose to thrust into an arena where they shall stand in jeopardy every hour. And it is easy for those whose hearts the shadow of alarm has never crossed, to speak of the fearlessness with which a man is to do his duty, and affix to his name the designation which his conscience prefers; but it is not easy for any unacquainted with Ireland, and with the wrongs, insults, and menaces, with which, where their numbers are few, poor Protestants are persecuted, and by which their numbers are reduced, to value, as it deserves, the holy devotedness with which these high-minded men have been stedfast to their faith; to judge of the struggle between conscience and human affection of the poor man, who with the certainty that he must either prove false to his Church, or provoke the fury of her enemies-thinks of a defenceless abode, ready it might be said for the incendiary-of the helpless family to whom it gives precarious shelter-remembers stories of midnight conflagration and outrage; ponders on the deeds of which ruthless natures are capable; and with the furnace before him heated seven times hot, will not serve the gods of those who have heated it, or fall down and worship the image that the king's ministers have set up. Noble-hearted men, your God whom ye serve is able, and he has delivered you, yea, he will convert your enemies 5."

We deem it of so much importance at the present moment that the real condition of the Church of Ireland should be fairly laid before the English public, that we do not hesitate to invite particular attention to the following communication, which has just been received from a most intelligent and trustworthy enquirer, on the veracity of whose statements the fullest reliance may be placed. For obvious reasons we suppress the names of persons and places.

5 Case of the Protestants of Ireland, by the Rev. Mortimer O'Sullivan, D.D. Second edition, p. 123.