her sister, without her feeders, how long will the Church of England endure? If any man says we are wrong, let him answer our arguments; we appeal to his reason, not to his fancy.

But is there no safety? there is. There is assured safety, under God, in ourselves. All other hopes are idle. This will not fail. The confidence of effort, and the confidence of trust are sure. They have the prospect and the promise; the prospect, if Heaven so will it, of saving our country! the promise, sure and unfailing, to those who do their all. To rush into the field of effort, trusting in ourselves, is impious; to sit with timid gloom and folded hands is paltry; to trust in man, in such men, in such times, is the veriest dotage; but to put faith in honest efforts, calm, patient, persevering, to use all calm thought and quiet energy, concerted judgment and collected power; to use this resolutely, constantly, with sober views and earnest trust, and as we put forth our strenuous efforts, to invoke on our poor labours God's blessing, this is the duty of all, this is a duty which may nerve the timid and moderate the bold, stir the calmest temper, and string to earnestness the lightest heart. This too is the duty of all; of the clergy, no less than of the laity, though by different efforts in their different spheres.

We

We presume, and we trust correctly, that such are the objects aimed at by the National Club; and that such too may be its issue, when it has received large support, and enlisted a deepseated strength. We avow, that on first observing the statement of its general objects in the newspapers, we entertained objections to that which is stated as its second object, viz. “to uphold a system of National education, based on Scripture, and conducted by the ministers of religion." We, for our part, are clearly of opinion that the schools of the people of England ought to be conducted by the ministers of the Church of England. We recognise no other principle of National education. conceive that parliament ought to have confined its grants, in education as in religion, to this body. To this expression, therefore, of what appeared to us a different principle in the objects of this club, we felt ourselves strongly opposed. But the perusal of the General Statement, which has since been sent us, has, we confess, removed our objections. We willingly admit that parties engaged in a practical object must aim at what is practicable, and that any attempt to upset the plan of education which has now been adopted by parliament for more than twelve years is plainly impossible. Even if that is founded on an erroneous principle, we have at least no reason to complain of its working; for such is the zeal of the Church of England, and such its popularity, that though placed on the same footing with religious sects,

in these twelve years it has secured four-fifths of the parliamentary grants, which require corresponding contributions. We have no reason, therefore, practically to regret this system; and we agree with the National Club that it is far preferable to that which the infidel party seek to substitute for it. If it is adhered to and fairly extended, and if endowments to schoolmasters are provided, we shall be able to cover the country with schools in connexion with the Church of England. The late admirable charge of the Bishop of Winchester attests this fact with regard to his diocese, and we believe it to be generally correct.

To the other views of the National Club we give our entire assent. We rejoice to see that this club is open, on moderate terms, to clergymen, and that, at the same time, the names of clergymen do not appear on the committee. We do not know if this has arisen from design; we trust that it has. We think it desirable that in all matters which touch on political discussions clergymen should publicly appear as sparingly as possible; but we are no less decidedly of opinion that in these critical times, when the stability of the Church and its permanent influence are in danger, it is the duty of the clergy not to shrink from those efforts which are consistent with their calling and are not prejudicial. There is one mode of influence legitimately open to them, and from this, in our judgment, they would err if they abstained. They have a great influence (may it long continue!) in their parishes and congregations. Let them use this to admonish the laity to discharge their duty. Let them warn them of the dangers which threaten us. Let them show them that these cannot be prevented by individual efforts, but should be met by associated exertion; and let them_recommend the plan of association which they should form. It matters but little what the precise plan is, or by what name it is called, or what is its extent, so that they deliberate and act in union. Such asso

ciations may be extended to a town, or embrace a county, or be confined to a parish. We prefer a limited sphere and a quiet name. A committee of electors and non-electors, in earnest about their work, and meeting often to discuss and to arrange it, will do more than great arrays of names and speeches.

We cannot say (that must be a matter for their own judgment), whether these local associations should be connected or not with a central body such as the National Club. This the authors of that club evidently contemplate, and we see many advantages in it. On this, however, we hardly feel qualified to offer an opinion, though we see of what great value free communication would be between the different societies, that they might move and act in concert; but what we do urge is, that

efforts should be made at once, and with vigour; that no time should be lost, and that no trouble should be spared; that all those laymen who have at heart the interests of the Church of England, all those who regard the faith of our people, should meet and act in concert. If the next general election comes upon us without such a union, and without its having a practical influence on the returns, we shall augur ill of the future; we shall fear that the balances have been tried; that England is found wanting, and that we are entering on a downward course, marked by some gleams of material prosperity, but tending to moral depravity and social decline. We appeal to all who would arrest the catastrophe, to address themselves, while yet there is time, to the only reasonable course, which, as far as we have yet seen, appears fitted to arrest it.

He has

Postscript. Thus far we had written, when the news of the dissolution of Sir Robert Peel's government reached us. betrayed his party; he has lost his power. We heartily rejoice. Henceforth all differences between the friends of the English people are, we trust, at an end. Let us not reflect on the past; he who misled us is gone. Henceforth let us form ourselves, one and all, Lay and Clergy, into a great National Union, for our national institutions. On this depend the weal and wealth, the faith and fortunes, of England; all are involved. We call on all to unite; let all divisions disappear; let the only question be, do you love the faith of the English people, the Church of the poor, the care of the poor man's industry, and protection for the poor man's labour? If you do, unite with us hand in hand, arm to arm. The leader is faithless, he has fled! we denounced him while he led you; we cannot mourn that he has left you. has taken from you great skill, great sagacity, long experience, the plans and knowledge of many an arduous campaign. This is a loss, and had he been true to England, we should have said it was a great loss. But it is no greater loss than would have happened had Providence cut him down in the midst of his power. He is gone; let us hope that false principles and low views are gone with him. This is a great gain. Had they continued, the enemy must have prevailed; but the leader has deserted, the army remains, the officers and the troops a truehearted army.

He

Let us be true by union and prompt action; rise and stir; prepare for the coming fight. Do not count your difficulties, all is possible to true-hearted men in a right cause. England wants your efforts; her Church, her schools, her Protestant truth, her public character, the welfare of the poor, the well

being of the rich, the gains of the wealthy, the frugal rewards of industry-all depend on the issue-all turn on the struggle in which we are embarked. Let no man shrink, let none despair, let each elector or non-elector, who values the safety of his labours and the security of his capital, rouse themselves and do their duty.

Second Postscript.-So rapid are events, that while we write, another ministerial change is announced, and Sir Robert Peel resumes power. This event does not alter the views which we have given of his character and policy. We admonish our readers not to judge of statesmen by fortune. The success of their craft enhances its danger. Confidence in the premier ought not to be placed. It will certainly be betrayed. That he will deal fresh blows on all our institutions, is as certain as that he has already weakened and undermined them. One more act of the drama now opens. There are others behind, and then comes the end. In the hands which now rule the stage, what scenes and what a catastrophe is preparing!

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NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS,

ETC.

1. Lyttelton's Memoirs, by Phillimore. 2. The O'Donoghue, by Lever. 3. Bradford's American Antiquities. 4. Brogden's Catholic Safeguards. 5. Kennaway's Sermons. 6. Faber's Dissertations on Prophecy. 7. Miss Martineau's Forest and Game Law Tales. 8. Dr. Mill's Sermons. 9. English History for Children. 10. Sermons, by Bishop Terrott, Lempriere, Hastings, Fowle, Blencowe, Paget, Perceval, &c. 11. Trench's Hulsean Lectures. 12. Anderson's Colonial Church History, Hawkins on Missions. 13. Forster's Gospel Narrative. 14. Bush's Anastasis, &c. 15. Schiller's and Goëthe's Correspondence. 16. Poems and Pictures. 17. Miscellaneous.

1.-Memoirs and Correspondence of George Lord Lyttelton, from 1736 to 1743. Compiled and Edited by ROBERT PHILLIMORE, late Student of Christ Church. In 2 vols. London: Ridgway. IF the subject of these memoirs cannot lay claim to the same historical position which posterity has awarded to some few of his contemporaries :-if the name of Lyttelton is not quite as familiar to our ears as those of Pitt and Fox, Walpole and Mansfield; it is still sufficiently known and respected, to invest with considerable interest the publication of the records of his political and private life still preserved at Hagley, and which Mr. Phillimore has, in the work before us, combined with a clear and well written narrative of the various public events with which Lyttelton was connected.

Lyttelton's was a stirring intellect, and his birth, fortune, and attainments, were quite sufficient to ensure him at once a distinguished position amongst the public men of his day. He was also an author of no inconsiderable eminence, and exhibited great versatility of talent. A historian, a theological writer, and a poet, (in the latter capacity we cannot say much for him,) a good parliamentary speaker-so good as to receive the praise of Pitt himself; the correspondent and friend of Pope, Warburton, Thomson, Shenstone, Doddridge, and the other principal literati of the day; and besides this, the favourite of a Prince of Wales; the political ally of a Pitt and a Grenville, a Temple and a Hardwicke; sharing in their reverses and their triumphs; then VOL. IV. NO. VIII.-DEC. 1845.

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