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XIII

AMERICAN CIVILIZAT

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To the mizzen, the main, and the fore

Up with it once more!

The old tri-color,

The ribbon of power,

The white, blue and red which the nations adore! It was down at half-mast

For a grief that is past!

To the emblem of glory no sorrow can last!

AMERICAN CIVILIZATION

SE, labor of each for all, is the health and

USF, labor of beings. Ich dien, I serve, is of

a truly royal motto. And it is the mark of nobleness to volunteer the lowest service, the greatest spirit only attaining to humility. Nay, God is God because he is the servant of all. Well, now here comes this conspiracy of slavery,

they call it an institution, I call it a destitution, - this stealing of men and setting them to work, stealing their labor, and the thief sitting idle himself; and for two or three ages it has lasted, and has yielded a certain quantity of rice, cotton and sugar. And, standing on this doleful experience, these people have endeavored to reverse the natural sentiments of mankind, and to pronounce labor disgraceful, and the well-being of a man to consist in eating the fruit of other men's labor. Labor: a man coins turns his day, his

himself into his labor; strength, his thought, his affection into some product which remains as the visible sign of his power; and to protect that, to secure that to nim, to secure his past self to his future self, is the object of all government. There is no

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interest in any country so imperative as that of labor; it covers all, and constitutions and gov ernments exist for that, to protect and insure it to the laborer. All honest men are daily striving to earn their bread by their industry. And who is this who tosses his empty head at this blessing in disguise, the constitution of human nature, and calls labor vile, and insults the faithful workman at his daily toil? I see for such madness no hellebore, - for such calamity no

solution but servile war and the Africanization of the country that permits it.

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At this moment in America the aspects of political society absorb attention. In every house, from Canada to the Gulf, the children ask the serious father, "What is the news of the war to-day, and when will there be better times?" The boys have no new clothes, no gifts, no journeys; the girls must go without new bonnets; boys and girls find their education, this year, less liberal and complete. All the little hopes that heretofore made the year pleasant are deferred. The state of the country fills us with anxiety and stern duties. We have attempted to hold together two states of civilization a higher state, where labor and the tenure of land and the right of suffrage are democrat

ical; and a lower state, in which the old military tenure of prisoners or slaves, and of power and land in a few hands, makes an oligarchy: we have attempted to hold these two states of society under one law. But the rude and early state of society does not work well with the later, nay, works badly, and has poisoned politics, public morals and social intercourse in the Republic, now for many years.

The times put this question, Why cannot the best civilization be extended over the whole country, since the disorder of the less-civilized portion menaces the existence of the country? Is this secular progress we have described, this evolution of man to the highest powers, only to give him sensibility, and not to bring duties with it? Is he not to make his knowledge practical? to stand and to withstand? Is not civilization heroic also? Is it not for action? has it not a will? "There are periods,” said Niebuhr, "when something much better than happiness and security of life is attainable." We live in a new and exceptionable age. America is another word for Opportunity. Our whole history appears like a last effort of the Divine Providence in behalf of the human race; and a literal, slavish following of precedents, as by a justice of the

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