The race-horse may have speed, but if 66 Jan. 2nd, 1830.- At Roehampton; William Howard, Baring Wall, and Lady Pembroke's son, the best sort of youth I have seen for a long while" (vol. i. p. 261). This was Sidney Herbert, whose life and character, as the editor says, did not belie the promise of his youth. He was too early lost to the party with whom his lot was ultimately cast, and had he lived was destined to have played an important part in public affairs. But the author seems to have forgotten his early impressions, for we find him grumbling over his appointment as secretary to the Board of Control in 1835. He says: Peel has just made Sidney Herbert secretary to the Board of Control, an office of great labour and involving considerable business in the House of Commons. He is about twentytwo or twenty-three years old [he was twentyfour], unpractised in business, and never spoke but once in the House of Commons, when he made one of those pretty first speeches which prove little or nothing, and that was in opposition to the Dissenters. He may be very fit for this place, but it remains to be proved, and I am surprised he did not make him begin with a lordship of the Treasury or some such thing, and put Gladstone, who is a very clever man, in that post. Praed is first secretary to the Board of Control, and will do the business. (Vol. iii. p. 194.) December 6th. The chancellor called on me yesterday about getting young Disraeli into Parliament (through the means of George Bentinck) for Lynn. I had told him George wanted a good man to assist in turning out named gentleman, whom he called a friend William Lennox, and he suggested the aboveof Chandos. His political principles must, however, be in abeyance, for he said that Durham was doing all he could to get him by the offer of a seat, and so forth; if, therefore, he is undecided and wavering between Chandos and Durham, he must be a mighty impartial personage. I don't think such a man will do, though just such as Lyndhurst would be (Vol. iii. p. 170.) connected with. One or two more passages, taken nearly at random, may interest our readers: them. letter from Southey to Brougham, which some I saw the day before yesterday a curious day or other will probably appear. Taylor showed it me. Brougham had written to him to ask him what his opinion was as to the encouragement that could be given to literature, by rewarding or honouring literary men, and suggested (I did not see his letter) that the Guelphic Order should be bestowed upon but in a style of suppressed irony and forced Southey's reply was very courteous, politeness, and exhibited the marks of a chafed spirit, which was kept down by an effort. "You, my lord, are now on the conservative side," was one of his phrases, which implied that the chancellor had not always been on that side. He suggested that it might be useful to establish a sort of lay fellowships; 10,000l. would give 10 of 500l. and 25 of 2007.; but he proposed them not to reward the meritorious, but as a means of silencing or hiring that he laid no stress on this plan, or consid It was evident, however, ered it practicable, and only proposed it because he thought he must suggest something. He said that honours might be desirable to scientific men, as they were so considered on the Continent, and Newton and Davy had been titled, but for himself, if a Guelphic disline." He ended by saying that all he asked tinction was adopted, "he should be a Ghibelfor was a repeal of the Copyright Act, which took from the families of literary men the only property they had to give them, and this "I ask for with the earnestness of one who is conscious that he has laboured for posterity." It is a remarkable letter. (Vol. ii. p. 112.) the mischievous. with Henry Taylor to meet Wordsworth; the I am just come home from breakfasting same party as when he had Southey-Mill, Elliot, Charles Villiers. Wordsworth may be wrinkled, with prominent teeth and a few bordering on sixty; hard-featured, brown, scattered grey hairs, but nevertheless not a disagreeable countenance; and very cheerful, merry, courteous, and talkative, much more so than I should have expected from the grave The following is the only notice of the and didactic character of his writings. He present premier in these volumes: held forth on poetry, painting, politics, and met He aphysics, and with a great deal of eloquence; would have probably played a great part in he is more conversable and with a greater flow the world. He died of a premature decay, of animal spirits than Southey. He mentioned brought on apparently by over-exertion and that he never wrote down as he composed, over-excitement; his talents were very conbut composed walking, riding, or in bed, and spicuous, he was pétri d'ambition, worshipped wrote down after; that Southey always com- the memory of his father, and for that reason poses at his desk. He talked a great deal of never liked his mother; his thoughts were Brougham, whose talents and domestic virtues incessantly turned towards France, and when he greatly admires; that he was very generous he heard of the days of July he said, "Why and affectionate in his disposition, full of was I not there to take my chance?" duty and attention to his mother, and had evinced great affection and gratitude to his adopted and provided for a whole family of grandfather, who, while he scrupulously obhis brother's children, and treats his wife's served all his obligations towards Louis Phichildren as if they were his own. He insisted lippe, could not help feeling a secret pride in upon taking them both with him to the draw- the aspiring genius and ambition of Napoing-room the other day when he went in state leon's son. He was well educated, and day as chancellor. They remonstrated with him, and night pored over the history of his father's but in vain. (Vol. ii. p. 120.) glorious career. He delighted in military exercises, and not only shone at the head of his regiment, but had already acquired the hereditary art of ingratiating himself with the soldiers. Esterhazy told me one anecdote in particular, which shows the absorbing passion of his soul overpowering the usual propensities of his age. He was to make his first appearance in public at a ball at Lady Cowley's (to which he had shown great anxiety to go), and was burning with impatience to amuse himself with dancing and flirting with the beauties he had admired in the Prater. He went, but there he met two French marshals -Mar Johnson liked Fox because he defended his pension, and said it was only to blame in not being large enough. "Fox," he said, "is a liberal man; he would always be 'aut Cæsar, aut nullus;' whenever I have seen him he has been nullus." Lord Holland said Fox made it a rule never to talk in Johnson's presence, because he knew all his conversations were recorded for publication, and he did not choose to figure in them. (Vol. ii. p. 316.) January 22nd. - Dined with Talleyrand the day before yesterday. Nobody there but his attachés. After dinner he told me about his first residence in England, and his acquaint-mont and Maison. He had no eyes or ears ance with Fox and Pitt. He always talks in a but for them; from nine in the evening to kind of affectionate tone about the former, five the next morning he devoted himself to and is now meditating a visit to Mrs. Fox at these marshals and conversed with them withSt. Anne's Hill, where he may see her sur-out ceasing. Though he knew well enough all rounded with the busts, pictures, and recollections of her husband. He delights to dwell on the simplicity, gaiety, childishness, and profoundness of Fox. I asked him if he had ever known Pitt. He said that Pitt came to Rheims to learn French, and he was there at the same time on a visit to the archbishop, his uncle (whom I remember at Hartwell). (Vol. ii. p. 344.) a the odium that attached to Marmont, he said to him that he was too happy to have the opportunity of making the acquaintance of one who had been among his father's earliest companions, and who could tell him so many interesting details of his earlier days. Marmont subsequently either did give or was to have given him lessons in strategy. (Vol. iii. pp. 374, 375.) These are examples, and almost every page would furnish others equally interesting, of the varied contents of these volumes. As we have shown, the author is not always right; but at least he speaks his mind, as he formed it at the time, and photographs vividly the lights and shadows as they passed. September 10th. At Gorhambury on Saturday till Monday. Dined on Friday with Talleyrand, a great dinner to M. Thiers, the French minister of commerce, a little man, about as tall as Sheil, and as mean and vulgar-looking, wearing spectacles, and with squeaking voice. He was editor of the "National," an able writer, and one of the principal instigators of the Revolution of July. It is said that he is a man of great ability and a good speaker, more in the familiar English The more studied descriptions are than the bombastical French style. Talley- those of Canning, Wellington, Peel, rand has a high opinion of him. He wrote a Brougham, Grey, Lyndhurst, Stanley. history of the Revolution, which he now re- and O'Connell; and of his estimate of grets; it is well done, but the doctrine of these distinguished men we shall say a fatalism which he puts forth in it he thinks few words. In regard to all of them calculated to injure his reputation as a states- there is an infusion of the cynical in the I met him again at dinner at Talley-style in which he writes of them; nor rand's yesterday with another great party, and last night he started on a visit to Birmingham and Liverpool. (Vol. iii. p. 31.) man. Prince E terhazy told me a great deal about the Duke of Reichstadt, who, if he had lived, does he spare hard words to express his disfavour. But when all the passages are put together, as forming his ultimate opinion, as we have already said, they rather gain than suffer at the critic's hands. On the whole, the author's sympathies seem to have been more with Canning than with any of the great statesmen he mentions. He admired his genius, which all did, but he seems to have had a higher estimate of bis qualities as a minister than has always been accorded him by posterity. We are inclined to think that in this respect Mr. Greville does him no more than justice. The natural liberality of his mind, and his perspicacious insight into the present and future, were heavily weighted by his past political career and associates. Had he survived he would probably have been a great minister; although it is quite possible that the popularity he would have acquired might have delayed longer the strong exhibition of public opinion which carried the Catholic Relief Bill and the Reform Bill. Mr. Greville allows him little weight of character: but the atmosphere of the court of George IV. was not favourable to the highest forms of political integrity, and the dislike of many of the Tory party was probably as much owing to his want of fortune and aristocratic connection, combined with the Liberal tendency of his views, as it was to any supposed shortcoming in that respect. There is no better account extant of the circumstances which led to the dissolution of Lord Liverpool's government, and the formation of that of Canning, than that which is contained in the first and second of these volumes. The author does not appear to have been much acquainted with Canning, but he was so with many of his friends, in particular with Lord George Bentinck, who was his private secretary, of whom he says that he did not believe such another man as Canning ever existed. After relating the details of his illness and death, the seeds of which were sown at the Duke of York's funeral, he goes on: sion, when he had the gout in his hand and could not write, he stood by the fire and dictated at the same time a despatch on Greek affairs to George Bentinck and one on Southeach writing as fast as he could, while he American politics to Howard de Walden, turned from one to the other without hesitation or embarrassment. (Vol. i. p. 106.) inexhaustible. The Duke of Wellington talked of Canning the other day a great deal at my mother's. He said his talents were astonishing, his compositions admirable, that he possessed the art of saying exactly what was necessary, and passing over those topics on which it was not advisable to touch, his fertility and resources He thought him the finest himself extremely upon his compositions, he speaker he had ever heard; though he prided would patiently endure any criticisms upon such papers as he submitted for the consideration of the Cabinet, and would allow them to be altered in any way that was suggested; he (the duke) particularly had often "cut and hacked" his papers, and Canning never made the least objection, but was always ready to adopt the suggestions of his colleagues. It cussion. Any difference of opinion or dissent was not so, however, in conversation and disfrom his views threw him into ungovernable rage, and on such occasions he flew out with a violence which, the duke said, had often compelled him to be silent that he might not be involved in bitter personal altercation. He said that Canning was usually very silent in the Cabinet, seldom spoke at all, but when he did he maintained his opinions with, extraordinary tenacity. He said that he was one of the idlest of men. This I do not believe, for I have always heard that he saw everything and did everything himself. Not a despatch was received that he did not read, nor one written that he did not dictate or correct. (Vol. i. pp. 167, 168.) Wellington disliked and suspected CanMr. Greville suggests that the Duke of ning, because at the time of the breakingup of the Liverpool government he thought he was negotiating with the Whigs: in which surmise perhaps there was some truth. He also states, on the authority of Lord George Bentinck, that the recognition of the South-American Canning concealed nothing from Mrs. Can- republics was opposed by the Duke of ning, nor from Charles Ellis. When absent Wellington, and was very distasteful to from Mrs. C. he wrote everything to her in the king; who, however, was reconciled the greatest detail. Canning's industry was to it in the end, and took credit for it. such that he never left a moment unemployed, Of the celebrated speech "I called a new and such was the clearness of his head that he world into existence to redress the balcould address himself almost at the same time ance of the old," Mr. Greville says to several different subjects with perfect pre-7' was not relished." cision and without the least embarrassment. With all his admiration, however, for He wrote very fast, but not fast enough for his mind, composing much quicker than he the man, his summary of his character could commit his ideas to paper. He could is, as usual, severe. He says (vol. i. p. not bear to dictate, because nobody could 267), writing in 1830, "I believe it to be write fast enough for him; but on one occa-l impossible for a man of squeamish and "the uncompromising virtue to be a success- [always seem to give him this credit, but ful politician; " and he proceeds as fol- we think he comes to this conclusion in lows: the end. Mr. Greville follows the Duke of Wel If Canning had had a fair field, he would have done great things, for his lofty and am-lington's political career with considerbitious genius took an immense sweep, and able minuteness from the breaking-up of the vigour of his intellect, his penetration and the Liverpool administration in 1826, to sagacity, enabled him to form mighty plans the conclusion of this part of the journal and work them out with success; but it is in 1837. Sometimes he is full of praise impossible to believe that he was a high- and admiration : sometimes very critical minded man, that he spurned everything that and disparaging, but in the end his rewas dishonest, uncandid, and ungentleman- spect and veneration for the duke far like; he was not above trick and intrigue, and preponderate over every other considerthis was the fault of his character, which was when at the head of the government, and ation. He says of his position in 1829, during the debates on the Catholic Re lief Bill: The fact is, he is a man of great energy, decision, and authority, and his character has been formed by the events of his life, and by the extraordinary circumstances which have raised him to a situation higher than any sub unequal to his genius and understanding However, notwithstanding his failings he was the greatest man we have had for a long time, and if life had been spared to him, and opposition had not been too much for him, he would have raised our character abroad, and perhaps found remedies for our difficulties at What a difference between his position and that of the Duke of Wellington! Everybody is disposed to support the latter and give him unlimited credit for good inten-ject has attained in modern times. That his tions. The former was obliged to carry men's approbation by storm, and the moment he had failed, or been caught tripping, he would have been lost. (Vol. i. p. 268.) home. These are strong expressions, probably too strong for the subject of them, although they may truly indicate where his political character was weakest. The unquestionable personal influence which Canning acquired, when he wished, seems inconsistent with the absence of high spirit; and there are many things in this book which go far to produce the opposite impression. great influence is indispensable to carry this question, and therefore most useful at this time, cannot be doubted, for he can address the king in a style which no other minister could adopt. He treats with him as with an equal, and the king stands completely in awe of him. It will be long before a correct and impartial estimate is formed of the duke's character and abilities; his talents, however, must be of a very superior, though not of the most shining description. Whatever he may be, he is at this moment one of the most powerful ministers this country has ever seen. (Vol. i. p. 176.) He praises his style of speaking frequently. "I like his speaking: it is so much to the point: no nonsense and verbiage about it, and he says strongly and simply what he has to say " (vol. i. p. 278). He The Duke of Wellington is the principal figure in these volumes. The author lived on terms of intimacy with him, and was admitted to much of his confidence. So close an observer could not fail to see the faults and weaknesses, The first elaborate criticism on his poif such there were, as well as the great litical character occurs in 1830, when and noble qualities he possessed. Nor revolution was striding over Europe, and does he escape the censor's lash, laid on all was anxiety and foreboding. in unmeasured terms. But we are says: bound to say, after reading this very In these difficult circumstances, and in the curious record of his political life, for the midst of possibilities so tremendous, it is book embraces a large proportion of it, awful to reflect upon the very moderate porthat differing as we have always done tion of wisdom and sagacity which is allotted from the politics of the Duke of Wel- to those by whom our affairs are managed. I lington, we think he comes out of the am by no means easy as to the Duke of Welscrutiny entirely untarnished, a high-lington's sufficiency to meet such difficulties; minded, patriotic man, bound up no doubt with the movements and even the intrigues of his party, but for the most holding his head loftily above them, and always ready to sacrifice his personal ends to what might seem to be the general benefit. Mr. Greville does not the habits of his mind are not those of patient investigation, profound knowledge of human nature, and cool, discriminating sagacity. He ceived by his own quickness into thinking he is exceedingly quick of apprehension, but deknows more than he does. He has amazing confidence in himself, which is fostered by the deference of those around him and the long 1850.] experience of his military successes. He is knowledge to take upon himself the sole direcupon ordinary occasions right-headed and tion of every department of government, he sensible, but he is beset by weaknesses and completely sank under the burden. Origipassions which must, and continually do, blind nally imbued with the principles of Lord his judgment. Above all he wants that Castlereagh and the Holy Alliance, he brought suavity of manner, that watchfulness of ob- all those predilections with him into office. servation, that power of taking great and Incapable of foreseeing the mighty events with enlarged views of events and characters, and which the future was big, and of comprehendof weighing opposite interests and probabili-ing the prodigious alteration which the moral ties, which are essentially necessary in circum-character of Europe had undergone, he pitted stances so delicate, and in which one false himself against Canning in the Cabinet, and step, any hasty measure, or even incautious stood up as the assertor of maxims both of expression, may be attended with consequences foreign and domestic policy which that great of immense importance. I feel justified in statesman saw were no longer fitted for the this view of his political fitness by contem- times we live in. (Vol. ii. p. 81.) plating the whole course of his career, and the The remainder of the passage is still signal failure which has marked all his foreign policy. If Canning was now alive we might more severe, but it ends with this note : hope to steer through these difficulties, but if [Memorandum added by Mr. Greville in April he had lived we should probably never have been in them. He was the only statesman who had sagacity to enter into and comprehend the spirit of the times, and to put himself at the head of that movement which was no longer to be arrested. The march of Liberalism (as it is called) would not be stopped, and this he knew, and he resolved to govern and lead instead of opposing it. The idiots who so rejoiced at the removal of this master mind (which alone could have saved them from the effects of their own folly) thought to stem the torrent in its course, and it has overwhelmed them. It is unquestionable that the duke has too much participated in their sentiments and passions, and, though he never mixed himself with their proceedings, regarded them with a favourable eye, nor does he ever seem to have been aware of the immensity of the peril which they were incurring. The urgency of the danger will unquestionably increase the impatience of in 1838, but thinks he has not done him those who already think the present government incapable of carrying on the public business, and now that we are placed in a situation the most intricate (since the French Revolution) it is by no means agreeable to think that such enormous interests are at the mercy of the duke's awkward squad. (Vol. ii. PP. 41, 42.) This is followed by a still sharper condemnation of him as a minister when his government came to an end in the end of 1830. He says of him : N.B.I leave this as it is, though it is unjust to the Duke of Wellington; but such as remain, to be corrected afterwards when neces my impressions were at the time they shall sary. It would be very wrong to impute selfishness to him in the ordinary sense of the term. He coveted power, but he was perthere was one, and he was always animated fectly disinterested, a great patriot if ever have done him justice in other places, and by a strong and abiding sense of duty. I there is after all a great deal of truth in what I have said here. (Vol. i. p. 84.) He resumes the subject again in 1831, at considerable length: laments that the Tory party should have its deliberations ruled by the obstinacy and prejudices of the duke. Again he adds a note, dated injustice. He says afterwards (vol. ii. p. 305), June 1, 1831, that he met the Duke of Wellington at dinner yesterday and afterwards had a long talk with him, not on politics. "I never see and converse with him without reproaching myself for the sort of hostility I feel and express towards his political conduct; for there are a simplicity, a gaiety, and natural urbanity and good humour in him which are remarkably captivating in so great a man." The critic's heart is still further softened as this volume proceeds; for in 1833, on the occasion of a ride with him through St. James's Park, and in relation to the respect evinced to him by the public, he says: His is one of those mixed characters which it is difficult to praise or blame without the risk of doing them more or less than justice. He has talents which the event has proved to be sufficient to make him the second (and, now that Napoleon is gone, the first) general Much, too, as I have regretted and censured of the age, but which could not make him a the enormous errors of his political career (at tolerable minister. Confident, presumptuous, times), I believe that this sentiment is in a and dictatorial, but frank, open, and good- great degree produced by the justice which is humoured, he contrived to rule in the Cabinet done to his political character, sometimes without mortifying his colleagues, and he has mistaken, but always high-minded and patribrought it to ruin without forfeiting their re-otic, and never mean, false, or selfish. If he gard. Choosing with a very slender stock of has aimed at power, and overrated his own |