Joseph Hume's line, but ornamented it with House. Graham's elevation is the most monstrous of all. He was once my friend, a college intimacy revived in the world, and which lasted six months, when, thinking he could do better, he cut me, as he had done others before. I am not a fair judge of him, because the pique which his conduct to me naturally gave me would induce me to underrate him, but I take vanity and self-sufficiency to be prominent features of his character, though of the extent of his capacity I will give no opinion. Let time show; I think he will fail. Whatever Greville's judgment may have become eventually, no reliance could be placed upon it during most of the time included in this publication. He had no insight into character. He saw little or nothing in many of his most distinguished Why is the term "inconsiderable " apcontemporaries until their eminent qual-plied to such a man? This is explained ities were recognized by the world. Turn, in the same entry: for example, to his first impressions of Prince Leopold (the king of the Belgians), Lord Auckland, Lord Palmerston, Sir James Graham, the late Earl of Derby, Lord Melbourne, the Duke of Wellington, &c. Although he saw fit to change or modify these impressions before he died, and has left notes or memoranda to that effect, they are not the less a test of his original powers of observation; nor can we accept them as what the editor calls "a contemporary record of opinion, honestly preserved." They are the opin- If confessedly not a fair judge, why ions of a cross-grained individual who not withhold a judgment? The odd thing differed widely from his contemporaries, about Greville is, that self-examination and (except perhaps when the progress of never acts on him as it does on most a master-mind, a really superior intellect, others. It exercises, no restraining, imis to be traced) we see no use in preserv- proving influence on his conduct or his ing the opinions of an individual when he mind. He is like one of the frail dévotes, was confessedly wrong.* of whom we read in Catholic countries, On the formation of Lord Grey's gov-who confess, receive absolution, and ernment, November 20, 1830, he sets start fresh. down: Graham Admiralty, Melbourne Home, Auckland Board of Trade all bad. The second is too idle, the first is too inconsider able, the third is too ignorant. The editor remarks in a note: This is a remarkable instance of the manner in which the prognostications of the most acute observers are falsified by events. The value of Mr. Greville's remarks on the men of his time consists not in their absolute truth, but in their sincerity at the moment at which they were made. They convey a correct impression of the notion prevailing at that time. They do not convey a correct impression of the notion prevailing at that time. We can show from the journal that they do not. Three weeks afterwards (December 12), reviewing Graham's career, he says: Reverting to Lord Melbourne, he says: "He has surprised all those about him by a sudden display of activity, vigour, rapid and diligent transaction of business, for which nobody was prepared." No one who understood Lord Melbourne was surprised, and all who saw below the surface would have agreed with Sydney Smith when, after avowing a belief that 66 our viscount is somewhat of an impostor," he remarks: "I am sorry to hurt any man's feelings, and to brush away the magnificent fabric of levity and gaiety he has reared; but I accuse our minister of honesty and diligence." Assuming that Greville's estimates, confessedly superficial and unsound, convey the popular impression of the time, this would prove him an accurate foolometer at best. A collection of vulgar errors may have its uses, but the praise of a "most accurate observer "" can hardly be claimed for the collector who believes in each of them till it is corrected by events.* If Greville's estimate of the Reform ministry had been correct, they must have speedily broken down from sheer incapacity. He says of the Duke of Richmond, that "his understanding lies in a nutshell, and his information in a pin's head;"' of Stanley, the late Earl of Derby, the political Rupert, that he does not appear to be a man of much moral or political firmness and courage, a timid politician, ignavus adversum lu With the exception of Lord Grey, the fact. Then comes the broad general constatesman whom Greville most persever-clusion, which is to annihilate Sir Robingly vituperates is Peel: ert: I am not sure that I have stated these oc December 15th, 1836. — It is very true (what they say Peel said of him, the Duke of W.) currences exactly as they were told me. There that no man ever had any influence with him, may be errors in the order of the interviews only women, and those always the silliest. and pourparlers, and in the verbal details, but But who are Peel's confidants, friends, and the substance is correct, and may be summed parasites? Bonham, a stock-jobbing ex-mer-up to this effect: that Peel, full of ambition, chant, Charles Ross, and the refuse of society of the House of Commons. but of caution, animated by deep dislike and jealousy of the duke (which policy induced Peel was constantly on the look-out for him to conceal, but which temper betrayed), rising men of talent, who became his at- thought to make Manners-Sutton play the part tached followers and friends. The late he fancied that he could gain in political charof Addington, while he was to be another Pitt; Duke of Newcastle, the late Lord Her-acter, by an opposite line of conduct, all that bert of Lea, Mr. Gladstone, and Lord the duke would lose; and he resolved that a Cardwell, are prominent examples. government should be formed the existence of which should depend upon himself. Manners of affairs. All these deep-laid schemes, and constant regard of self, form a strong contrast to the simplicity and heartiness of the duke's conduct, and make the two men appear in a very different light from that in which they did at first. Peel acted right from bad motives, the duke wrong from good ones. In reference to the ministerial interregnum after the resignation of the Re-Sutton was to be his creature; he would have form cabinet, Greville writes: dictated every measure of government; he would have been their protector in the House May 17th, 1832. The first impression was of Commons; and, as soon as the fitting mothat the Duke of Wellington would succeed in ment arrived, he would have dissolved this misforming a government with or without Peel.erable ministry and placed himself at the head The first thing he did was to try and prevail upon Peel to be prime minister, but he was inexorable. He then turned to Baring, who, after much hesitation, agreed to be chancellor of the exchequer. The work went on, but with difficulty, for neither Peel, Goulburn, nor Croker would take office. They then tried the speaker (Manners-Sutton), who was mightily tempted to become secretary of state, but still doubting and fearing, and requiring time to make up his mind. At an interview with the duke and Lyndhurst at Apsley House he declared his sentiments on the existing state of affairs in a speech of three hours, to the unutterable disgust of Lyndhurst, who returned home, flung himself into a chair, and said that "he could not endure to have anything to do with such a damned tiresome old bitch." How (if this were true) could Peel be said to have acted right, in any sense? That he should have formed such a scheme, that he should have deemed Manners-Sutton equal to the emergency, that he should have entertained a momentary hope or thought of keeping such a man prime minister long enough to play the part of Addington to his Pitt-all this is so widely improbable, so out of keeping If Lord Lyndhurst did use such an ex- with his admitted sagacity, that Greville pression, he had high authority for it. should at least have looked closely to his What's the matter with the auld bitch facts; but from a subsequent entry (Jannext?" said an acute metaphysical judge, uary 3rd, 1833) it is clear that the sugthough somewhat coarse in his manners, gestion to propose the premiership to aside to his brethren. "This is a daft Manners-Sutton came from Vesey Fitzcause, Bladderscate What say ye gerald, not from Peel; the pith of the till't, ye bitch ?" Sir Walter adds, in a sweeping charge against Peel being that note, that "tradition ascribes this whim-it was he who wanted to place Sutton in sical style of language to the ingenious a position to serve as his warming-pan. and philosophical Lord Kaimes." It is remarkable," concludes Greville, The subject of the Tory failure to form "that this story is so little known." a government is resumed in an entry of Which story? for we have been told two October 26, i.e. after an interval of six or three. Story! God bless you, I have months, during which Greville had renone to tell, sir." We knew long ago all cently picked up a good deal from that could be known or was worth knowArbuthnot (described as very garruing about these negotiations, namely, lous "), which he sets down as undoubted that some of the Tory leaders tried to form a government, which the more sa pos;" of Lord Althorpe, that "he would certainly 66 out in a few months, and that he would go on the turgacious among them felt to be an impos "Redgauntlet," chap. i. sibility from the first: that there were sundry meetings and conferences ending does not even spare the "waverers," al- On March 22nd, 1835, Greville sets down: This pamphlet was a poor performance, The article to which he replied was not loose in style, and weak in argument. written (as he with characteristic haste and inaccuracy assumed) by Mr. Lockhart, but by Mr. Croker, who contended that, if the measure were to be effectually opposed, the Lords should take the decided course of throwing out the Bill and defy the government to create peers. It would be fatal, he argued, to admit the principle by voting for the second read With reference to this paragraph (which Greville counselled a different was quoted in the Edinburgh Reviewing. as one of the gems of the book) Mr. course, maintaining that, if the Bill were Lawrence Peel writes thus, November suffered to go into committee, its most objectionable provisions might be struck 17th, 1874: out or neutralized, and that the government would not venture or be permitted to create peers to carry matters of detail. "It is impossible I could have said anything of the sort. My eldest brother being thirteen years older than myself, I could have had no opportunity His counsels were followed, and a diaof forming an opinion of his character metrically opposite result ensued. An during his boyhood; and the one attrib- amendment* (Lord Lyndhurst's) carried uted to me in this passage is contrary to in committee led to the resignation of what I remember having heard my father Lord Grey, who urged, with irresistible and other members of my family express, force, that, the principle of the Bill havand to the impression made upon my ing been admitted by their Lordships, mind by all I ever knew of my brother. they were pursuing a factious course in Having always entertained the highest trying to overthrow it by a side-wind. opinion of his public and private charac- Greville's tactics utterly failed, and he consoled himself by throwing the blame ter, it distresses me greatly to find my name employed in support of an opinion on the two noble lords who acted on which all who were intimately acquainted with him must know to be incorrect." As it is not usual to quote a living Mr. Lawrence Peel's existence was for- The Reform Bill was to Greville what them. The unfortunate thing is that neither of our cocks is good for fighting, not from want of courage; but Harrowby is peevish, ungra The object of Lord Lyndhurst's amendment, which brought on the crisis, was the postponement of the disHalifax) urged that they must be taken first, Greville franchising clauses. When Mr. Charles Wood (Lord says: "He talked a great deal about the country expecting this, and that they would not be satisfied if it was not done, and all the usual jargon of the Reformers, which it was not worth while to dispute." The event speedily proved that Lord Halifax had formed the correct estimate of the situation. Greville, knowing nothing of the greater public, fancied that a nation's destiny could be decided by a party manoeuvre or intrigue conducted by himself and De Ros. dreaded and decried is one of the most remarkable passages in the book. (See vol. iii. p. 29.) His sum mary of the beneficial results of the measure which he cious, and unpopular, and Wharncliffe carries¡ Tories, and get them to attend the committee no great weight. 66 The Peelites, especially Mr. Gladstone, Sir James Graham, and Lord Lincoln (the late Duke of Newcastle) bestirred themselves actively on his behalf, rather, we fancy, from personal feeling than from any sense of obligation. He intimates as much when he confesses to "a kind of whispering sensation that they must be a little shocked at the cause they advocate." When the committee divided, he was saved by the narrow majority of ten to nine. Having already spoken of "the determination of this morose and rigid millionaire to strip me of my property," he exultingly exclaims: and defend me there. He read it, approved, and promised to speak to both Peel and HerGreville's fussifying efforts to stop the ries. I had previously desired George DawReform Bill irresistibly recall the image son to speak to Peel. I might certainly, after of Mrs. Partington endeavouring to keep the very essential services I rendered Peel out the Atlantic with her mop. But how- and his government, go with some confidence ever slightly he was mixed up in an af- to Peel or any of them and ask for their aid fair, he fancied himself the motive pow-in my difficulty; but it is not wise to remind er in it; and he was apt to think that he men of an obligation; if they do not feel it was doing a great deal when he was real-without being reminded they will not be made ly doing nothing. If we are to believe to do so by any hint, and an accusation of ingratitude will be implied, which will only him, the partial support the leading jour-excite their resentment; if they are sensible nal gave to the Conservative government of the obligation they will return it without of 1834-35, was entirely owing to him any reminder. and Lord de Ros. He states (November 24th, 1834) that Barnes, the editor, was much gratified by an offer Lyndhurst made to see him, and proposed a meeting: "that a "gastronomic ratification was to wind up the treaty between these high contracting parties:" that Barnes dined with Lord Lyndhurst at a dinner expressly made for him: that it was a badly-composed party for the purpose; and that the dinner made a great uproar, as he (Greville, thought it would. Lord Lyndhurst and Barnes were college friends of long standing, and Barnes was an active member of Lord Lyndhurst's committee, when he stocd for the University of Cambridge in 1826. They had been always on the most inti- which the news of Baring's defeat has been It is really amusing to see the joy with mate terms; and it was remarked that, hailed by every member of his own family, and in the height of the Reform conflict, all others who have heard of it. The good-will nothing personally offensive to Lord of the world (a very inert but rather satisfacLyndhurst ever appeared in the Times. tory feeling) has been exhibited towards me, They certainly stood in no need of Lord and there is mixed up with it in all who are de Ros or Greville to bring them to- acquainted with the surly Reformer who is my gether; the dinner was an ordinary din-adversary a lively pleasure at his being baffled ner; and that it made " " and mortified. a great uproar," is about as true as that the conciliatory tone of the all-powerful journal towards the Conservative government was (as Greville states) adopted at the suggestion of Lord de Ros. 66 Lord Northbrook, and not a millionaire) Considering that Baring (afterwards with the full concurrence of the Liberal was simply carrying out the principles "No man," we are assured in the pref-should be hurried into such extravagance, party, it is surprising that a man of sense e ace, was more disinterested in his judg- still more surprising that an editor, with ments on public affairs, for he had long such conclusive proofs of interested made up his mind that he had nothing to prejudice before his eyes, should assert gain or to lose by them." On the conthat, "in the opinions he (Greville) trary, he had made up his mind that he had a great deal to gain or lose by them; maintained, he cared for nothing but formed, and on occasions energetically that half, if not the whole, of his income their justice and their truth." Five out was at stake. He worked with might and of six of the opinions he formed were main for the party that was least hostile warped by his personal feelings: he was of indiscriminating abuse to all parties. impartial in nothing but the distribution to sinecures; and he came forward in due season to claim at their hands the preservation of his own. For a knowing man of the world, conversant with the practices of the turf, Greville was unaccountably credulous. Again and again does he accept state 2 A ments, and draw conclusions from them, that, if he should forget any of the more polished periods of the original, it would appear sadly blotched by his own interpolations. He then instructed him largely as to how and when he was to bring it in, supplying him with connecting links, and by the help of which he various commonplace phrases to be used as might be enabled to fasten upon some of the preceding speeches. I saw Henry de Ros The great event of the night was Dun- the day before the debate, when he told me combe's speech, which was delivered with what he was doing, and asked me to suggest perfect self-possession and composure, but in anything that occurred upon the subject, and so ridiculous a manner that everybody laughed at the same time repeated to me the speech at him, although they were amused with his with which he had armed his hero. I hinted impudence and at the style and objects of his my apprehensions that he would fail in the attack. However, the next day it was discov-delivery, but though he was not without some alarm, he expressed (as it afterwards appeared a well-grounded) confidence in Duncombe's extraordinary nerve and intrepidity. ered that he had performed a great exploit ; This then, we presume, is one of the The history of Tom Duncombe and his speech is instructive as well as amusing, for it is a curious proof of the facility with which the world may be deceived, and of the prodigious effect which may be produced by the smallest means, if they are aided by some fortuitous circumstances and happily applied. Tommy came to Henry de Ros and told him that his constituents at Hertford were very anxious he should make a speech, but that he did not know what to say, and begged Henry to supply him with the necessary materials. He advised him to strike out something new, and having received his assurance that he should be able to recollect anything that he learned by heart, and that he was not afraid of his courage failing, Henry composed for him the speech which Duncombe delivered. But knowing the slender capacity of his man, he was not satisfied with placing the speech in his hands, but adopted every precaution which his ingenuity suggested to avert the danger of his breaking down. He made him learn the speech by heart, and then made him think it over again and put it into language of his own, justly fearing a The editor states in a note, that "the incident related in the text appears to have been his (Duncombe's) début in political life." Fresh from a contested election, no bad school, - Duncombe had spoken in the same tone and manner on the second night of the session (January 31), and appears to have already acquired that style of speaking which always ensured him a hearing whatever the disposition of the House.* Lord de Ros, with all his cleverness, was unknown as speaker. We are not aware that he ever Yet, assumopened his mouth in public. ing him to have been a practised rhetorician, the grand difficulty remains. To introduce a prepared speech or prepared passages effectively by the adroit use of commonplaces, is an advanced step in oratory, and to succeed twice in rapid succession would indicate a master of the art. To make the pupil first learn by heart the speech he was not to deliver, was one of the oddest expedients ever hit upon to prevent him from being embarrassed by the so-called polished periods of the original. And when, the day before the debate, Lord de Ros repeated to Greville "the speech with which he had armed his hero," which speech did he repeat? The effect of the speech is grossly ex "He (Duncombe) was courteous and pleasant in for the sake of his remarks on men and things. His manner, and members liked to sit by him in the House voice was originally very fine- rich and full-though he mouthed his words like a dandy of the Regency, a character that cropped up in all he said or did. His careless effective style was evidently the result of great care and pains; and he managed to hit exactly the amount of impudent sang-froid which his powers justified and the House would bear. He was just the man for saying at the right moment what everybody wished to be said and nobody had the courage to say; and he was clearly a favourite, being generally called for if any one else rose at the same time." The Times, 'Jan. 7, 1868. |