plating the difficulties and the dangers The king accuses me of looking at these which we have, in this short period of affairs only through the medium of Lord time, passed through unscathed. It may Palmerston. This accusation has caused me also be remembered that the prince con-profound regret, because I had every right to sort was never daunted by these disas-hope that his Majesty knew enough of my trous events; and, on all occasions, that this friendship would inspire within me sincere friendship for him to be convinced proved himself to be a most valuable the most lively desire-I might even say, adviser to the sovereign and to the gov-anxiety, -to see things simply as they are, ernment of the day.

and to put upon them the most favourable construction. It is not the least of my vexations, to have to acknowledge towards all the world, that the conduct of France is wholly contrary to the spirit of our "entente cordiale," and to the agreement formerly come to between us. I know that Lord Aberdeen takes believe that he has expressed as much to M. precisely the same view as ourselves, and I Guizot.*

There is a disposition in the present time to look upon constitutional monarchy as if it were little more than a mere pageant. But no one can read attentively the pages of the work now before us without perceiving that not only are the public duties of the sovereign, of which the world takes no account, of a very arduous kind, but that the sovereign exer- The one simple fact, which governs this cises a very material and important influ- whole affair, is, that the king declared that he ence upon public affairs. Even these would not give one of his sons to the queen visits of courtesy from one sovereign to of Spain, and that on this declaration he based another, which were a novel feature of the right to limit the queen's choice to the the present reign, are not without their family of the Bourbons descendants of Philip effect, and upon the whole a very good V. We disputed and denied this right; still effect. It is clear, from what is revealed to us in this memoir, that, upon more than one occasion, the personal influence of the English court had a direct effect in maintaining the peace of Europe. And, doubtless, the visits of the kings and emperors who came to the English court did not fail to impress upon those monarchs a just idea of the latent power of the British nation.

There is one memorable letter written

we consented to the choice being so restricted, and to this we have most scrupulously and and even promised to recommend it to Spain; religiously adhered, without swerving one hair's-breadth. What the king desired has taken place; the queen married a descendant of Philip V., and of his descendants just that one whom he knew we regarded as the least: eligible. The same day the king gives his son to the heiress presumptive to the crown, not only without previous concert with us, but contrary to the pledge which he gave me by the queen on the subject of the Span- the marriage of the queen he for the first at Eu last autumn, when with the question of ish marriages, which we think affords a time mixed up that of the marriage of the noticeable instance of the service that a Infanta. This pledge was, "that he would monarch may perform to his or her coun- not think of this marriage, so long as it was try, even when writing in a somewhat a political question, and not until the queen private capacity. The part which Eng-was married and had children." land took in that painful question, the ex- The king endeavours to justify this de-, act limits which she placed to her inter-parture from the course agreed upon between ference, the reciprocity which she de- us, by assuming that we have pressed the manded from the other parties concerned, candidature of our cousin Leopold, contrary have never been better expressed than to the engagement we had come under to his Majesty. in the letter to the queen of the Belgians, a part of which we here subjoin:

MY DEAR LOUISE,

I deny, in the most unqualified terms, that Leopold has ever been put forward as our

I have read and re-read with the greatest"was the first to make use of the phrase, 'a cordial, attention the king's explanation of the recent good understanding,' in the course of a conversation It exevents, and his statement of the motives which with me at Haddo, his Scotch country-seat. pressed faithfully the nature of the relations which a have governed the course of the French gov- sincere mutual attachment between two eminent states ernment in regard to this unhappy Spanish men had created for the two countries. Even affair, and I am deeply pained to have to de-now, after more than thirty years, the two nations may clare that the perusal of his letter has in no then for the first time in their history, of living in relacongratulate themselves upon the practice, adopted way altered the opinion which I had previ-tions of mutual coufidence and good-will.” — Revue des ously formed, nor the pain I feel that these Deux Mondes, July 15, 1874, p. 294. events should have occurred to trouble our cordial understanding *. an understanding which was so useful and so precious.

"I

Lord Aberdeen had by this time written to M.. Guizot in answer to his explanation of the affair: do not comprehend why it has been thought right or necessary to abandon the engagement voluntarily entered into with me last year, and since frequently

• "Lord Aberdeen," says the Comte de Jarnac, repeated, respecting the marriage of Montpensier."

3

ST

candidate, either by the English government, between the ministers, and dwells only on
what was said between the sovereigns.
Yours sincerely,
PALMERSTON.

or by any member of the Coburg family. The
fact is, that, if Leopold became a candidate,
this was due to Spain alone; and to Queen
Christina herself, who, whether acting sponta-
neously and in good faith, or as a trap for the
English minister at Madrid, took numerous
steps to effect this combination, which she
only abandoned at the last moment. Then,
as throughout, our conduct has been invari-
ably the same; we lent no countenance to this
scheme, and we advised the queen to seek
among the descendants of Philip V. a candi-
date to her mind.

(Signed)

We have said that the letter to Queen Louise was assuredly the result of the joint counsels of our queen and the prince. In every detail of the great business of her Majesty's life, a husband so loved and so worthy of all trust could not fail to be appealed to for counsel and guidance. The world knows already Such, then, I assert, has been the line of from other sources something of the conduct pursued by us; its straightforward-prince's relation to the queen, of which a ness and probity cannot be impugned. more complete picture is presented in Mr. Martin's volume. It was perfect in its kind. The writer of the "Introduction to the Speeches of the Prince Consort" thus describes it:

Nothing more painful could possibly have befallen me than this unhappy difference, both because it has a character so personal, and because it imposes upon me the duty of opposing the marriage of a prince, for whom, as well as for all his family, I entertain so warm a friendship.

My only consolation is, that as what is proposed cannot be carried out without producing grave complications, and without even exposing to many dangers a family whom I hold in high regard, they may even yet retrace their steps, before it is too late.

Ever, your most devoted,

Windsor Castle, September 27th, 1846.

V. R.

The tastes, the aims, the hopes, the aspiraTheir tions of the royal pair were the same. mutual respect and confidence went on increasing. Their affection grew, if possible, even warmer and more intense as the years of their married life advanced. Companions in their domestic employment, in their daily labours for the State, and, indeed, in almost every occupation, the burthens and the difficulties of life were thus lessened more than by half for each one of the persons thus happily united in this true marriage of the soul. When the fatal blow was struck, and the prince was removed from this world, it is difficult to conceive a position of greater sorrow, and one, indeed, more utterly forlorn, than that which became the lot of the survivor - deprived of him whom she herself has described as being the "life of her life." Introduction to the Speeches and Addresses of the Prince Consort, p. 55.

This was not a letter in the preparation of which her Majesty's Cabinet had any share. That it was written in concert with the prince (ever her Majesty's most faithful adviser and truest friend) there can be no doubt. But although emanating purely from the sovereign, we know from another source, that it had the entire approval of her Majesty's con- If, however, the writer of this introstitutional advisers. In a letter of Lord duction had possessed the advantage of Palmerston to Lord Normanby, which is reading what Mr. Martin's readers now to be found in the third volume of Lord know, before he had written this paraPalmerston's "Life," he says, with an graph, he might have added to it. The obvious reference to the letter in ques-devotion of the prince consort to the

tion:

Broadlands, September 27, 1846.

MY DEAR NORMANBY,

It

interests of the queen, and of the country which she governs, was complete. was also very peculiar in its nature. The prince did not aim at fulfilling, in any Do not mention it to any one; but the respect, the part of her Majesty's prime queen has written the king of the French a minister, nor did he confine himself to tickler in answer to a letter he sent her. Both the much humbler part of a mere private have passed through the queen of the Bel-secretary to the queen; but he did fulfil gians. Her letter was quite her own, in con- the part of her most intimate friend and cert, I presume, with Prince Albert; and I counsellor, accomplishing himself for this did not see it till after it was written, but I concurred in every word. She claims the performance of his promise to her to delay till after children are born to the queen. In his letter to her he had dropped all mention of that, and alluded only to Guizot's promise to Aberdeen. She takes no notice of what passed

office by making himself thoroughly master of the whole field of home as well as foreign politics, and, at the same time, never flagged in the endeavour (which we have every reason to believe was fully responded to) to make the queen thor

he should share her duties.

oughly understand and appreciate the fore Baron Stockmar left England he had the knowledge afforded and the counsel satisfaction of being told by Lord Aberdeen, given, so that those two great ones might how greatly both ministers were gratified to think and act in complete harmony and perceive that the queen leant upon the prince's unison. Their marriage thus formed judgment, and showed an obvious desire that such a union as is rarely met with, and prince, Lord Aberdeen added, the moral It gave the can only be rarely met with - the pur-status and influence to which he was entitled; suits and avocations of most men being and they had also remarked with pleasure in such as their wives can seldom enter in- their dealings with him, how gently he exerto, or deeply sympathize with. cised his authority, never giving a decided opinion on any point without previously consulting the queen. They thought it most desirable that the prince should occupy this position, and, as it was with the full concurrence of the queen, it could be open to no possible objection.

A most interesting subject, and one which is sure to attract the notice of all classes of readers, is the relation between the prince consort and the queen's ministers, as it appears in the pages of this work. The shrewd political observers of that time must, no doubt, have perceived "Sir Robert Peel," says Lord Kingsdown in and commented upon the difficulty of his unpublished "Recollections of his Life at the Bar and in Parliament," p. 130, "when he the position. The prince consort was a introduced me to him (the prince) in 1841, great personage-naturally a very potent said that I should find him one of the most personage but yet having no distinctly extraordinary young men I had ever met with." recognized place in the constitution. So, he adds, it proved. "His aptitude for The prince thoroughly understood this business was wonderful; the dullest and most anomaly, and, by his great tact, turned an intricate matters did not escape or weary his anomalous position into a highly honour-attention; his judgment was very good; his able and most useful one.

Doubtless with regard to the queen's ministers, this relation between them and the prince consort must sometimes have begun with a little feeling of fear on their part lest there should be any interference on his, which might prove a hindrance to the conduct of public affairs. If any such fear, however, existed, it was very soon dispelled; and the pages of this volume abound with expressions showing the entire confidence with which his wis dom and behaviour inspired successive prime ministers:

readiness to listen to any suggestions, though against his own opinions, was constant; and though I saw his temper often tried, yet in the disturbed, nor witnessed any signs of impacourse of twenty years I never once saw it tience."

And it was with tears in his eyes, and with words of the deepest regret, that Lord Palmerston, who was prime minister when the prince was taken from us, confided to one in whom he habitually placed confidence, how deeply he deplored for the nation, as well as for the queen, the death of the prince. This is the more worthy of record, as it is no Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself secret that the political views of that without again stating to your Majesty in writ-prime minister and of the prince had ing what he had the honour of saying to your occasionally been much at variance. Majesty respecting his Royal Highness the prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest opinion of his Royal Highness's judgment, temper, and discretion, and he cannot but feel a great consideration and security in the reflection that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which your Majesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice and assistance. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Maj-recorded. esty cannot do better than have recourse to it whenever it is needed, and rely upon it with

confidence.

before us by describing some one section Some idea may be given of the work of each division of labour which occupied the time and thought of the prince and queen during that part of his Royal Highness's life which Mr. Martin has already

In the course of this narrative there were many royal visits received and returned. Such visits are not without conSince the change of ministry, the prince had siderable care and anxiety on the part of devoted himself more closely than before to the entertainers; and they require to be the politics of the day. In this he was encouraged both by Sir Robert Peel and Lord Aber-tration of this we propose to give an managed with much discretion. In illusdeen, who were soon convinced, as Lord Melbourne had been, that her Majesty had in account of the late emperor of Russia's him an adviser whose capacity and visit to the queen. strong practical judgment could not fail to be of infinite value in assisting her decisions. Be

Again, during that time which enters into the narrative of the biographer there

are

ministerial crises and changes of prince was on the point of replying, that he ministers. We propose to give an ac- trusted they might never see any interruption count of one of these, which may serve of the then peaceful state of Europe; but as as a type of the conduct of the queen and this would have implied disapproval of the the prince on these critical occasions. policy, which seemed to assume such an interThirdly, there is to be shown the in-ruption as certain to take place, he checked terest which the prince took in all the himself, thinking the remark might be taken social affairs of Great Britain, and the encouragement which he gave to art, science, and manufactures. To commence with the emperor of Russia's visit to the queen. On the 30th of May, 1844, the biographer says:

The queen and prince were somewhat taken
by surprise by the intelligence that the em-
peror of Russia was on his way to visit the
English court, and might be daily looked
for. On the 3rd of June he was met at
the Slough Station by the prince, and con-
ducted by him to the castle. The emperor
was greatly struck-as, indeed, who is not?
- by the beauty and magnificence of that no-
blest of all royal residences; and his reception
during the five days of his stay at the English
court impressed him with the conviction,
which he repeatedly expressed, that it was
conducted on the noblest scale of any court he
had seen. Everything, he said, appeared to
be done without effort, and as if nothing more
than ordinary were going on.

The object of the emperor in visiting Eng-
land was no doubt mainly political. It was
an excellent thing, he said to the queen, to see
now and then with one's own eyes, as it did
not do always to trust to diplomatists only.
Such meetings begot a feeling of friendship
and interest, and more could be done in a
single conversation to explain one's feelings,
views, and motives, than in a host of messages
or letters.
He avoided discussion on the
position of affairs in Europe with the queen,
but he took frequent opportunities of going
into them with the premier and Lord Aber-
deen, and also with Prince Albert, conversing
at all times with the greatest apparent unre-
serve. In all his conversations he professed
the utmost anxiety to win the confidence of
the statesmen at the head of English affairs,
and to convince them of the uprightness and
strictly honourable character of his intentions.

The caution of the prince consort is
manifested in the following passage, a
caution which was no doubt equally exer-
cised in the course of all the other visits
from foreign sovereigns:

amiss.

Her Majesty, in a letter to King Leopold, marked by the incisive perception and graphic force which her Majesty brings to all her descriptions of men and things, gives her account of this visit of the late emperor of Russia:

I will now (having told all that has passed) give you my opinions and feelings on the subject, which I may say are Albert's also. I was extremely against the visit, fearing the gêne and bustle, and even at first I did not feel at all to like it; but by living in the same house together quietly and unrestrainedly (and this Albert, and with great truth, says, is the great advantage of these visits, that I not only see these great people, but know them), I got to know the emperor and he to know me. There is much about him which I cannot help liking, and I think his character is one which should be understood, and looked upon for once as it is. He is stern and severe, with strict principles of duty which nothing on earth will make him change. Very clever I do not think him, and his mind is not a cultivated one. His education has been neglected. Politics and military concerns are the only things he takes great interest in; the arts and all softer occupations he does not care for; but he is sincere, I am certain-sincere even in his most despotic acts-from a sense that it is the only way to govern. He is not, I am sure, aware of the dreadful cases of individual misery which he so often causes; for I can see, by various instances, that he is kept in utter ignorance of many things which his people carry out in most corrupt ways, while he thinks he is extremely just. He thinks of general measures, but does not look into details; and I am sure much never reaches his ears, and, as you observe, how can it?

He asked for nothing whatever has merely expressed his great anxiety to be on the best terms with us, but not to the exclusion of others-only let things remain as they are. He is very much alarmed about the East, and about Austria. . . . He is, I should say, too frank, for he talks so openly before people, which he should not do, and with difficulty restrains himself. His anxiety to be be On the emperor the prince produced a deep lieved is very great, and I must say his perimpression. He told Lord Aberdeen he sonal promises I am inclined to believe. Then should like to have him for his own son. In his feelings are very strong. He feels kindtheir personal communications he treated him ness deeply, and his love for his wife with the greatest confidence, and paid him and children, and for all children, is very what in the emperor's opinion was probably great. He has a strong feeling for domestic the highest testimony of his regard, by express-life, saying to me, when our children were in ing a hope, that they might one day meet in the room, "Voilà les doux moments de notre the field of batte en the same side. The vie!" One can see by the way he takes them

Peel used to say, that he had felt no slight embarrassment on first coming into official contact with the prince, for the fact was painfully present to his mind, that the serious curtailment of the prince's income was mainly due to the prominent support which he had given to Colonel Sibthorp's motion the previous year. He was, therefore, not a little touched to find that not a shade of personal soreness could be traced in the prince's demeanour. On the contrary, his communications were of that frank and cordial character I hope that you will persuade the king and made him feel assured that not only was which at once placed the minister at his ease, (Louis Philippe) to come all the same in Sep-no grudge entertained, but that he might tember. Our motives and politics are, not to be exclusive, but to be on good terms with all count thenceforth on being treated as a friend. -and why should we not? We make no secret of it.