ONE of the two rival forces struggling to get control of the world is AngloSaxonism, and the other Bolshevism. The one aspires to make Anglo-American civilization shine over the whole world and the other to reconstruct the social organization of the whole world through a labor revolution.

The Anglo-American spirit in question was clearly seen at work during the early progress of the Peace Conference, as when the British and the United States delegations united in supporting the Chinese claims against the Japanese. It was, indeed, only when Premier Orlando went home in resentment at President Wilson's opposition to the Italian acquisition of Fiume, an event which gave occasion to all the anti-American element to ventilate itself, that through the mediative efforts of Mr. Balfour the Anglo-American combine at the Conference was persuaded to allow Japan's contention. All this while Premier Lloyd George caused the newspapers under his control to attack Japan for what they represented to be her aggressive policy in the Far East. Again, it was England and America who were most solid in their opposition

to Japan's racial equality proposition, so much so t'at the combine winked at the unfai uling of President Wilson, who dent Wilson, who eclared it lost although it was supported by twelve votes against six.

In any case it is undoubted that there is a tacit understanding between America and England to go hand in hand in their scheme to bring that world under their combined control.

How long the Anglo-American cooperation will last remains to be seen. True, not all Englishmen are delighted with America's way of asserting herself in international affairs. But the leading men of both countries are conscious that the two Powers gain more by remaining combined than by going back on each other, and at least for some time to come it will be in vain to look for a rupture between them. The present tendency is to give them the power together to dictate to the world.

There should be nothing to cause any anxiety to Japan in this trend of affairs in itself but for the fact that in both countries the tide of ill feelings against Japan is rising.

An American newspaper

THE

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARIES

OF GEORGIA

Washington Times does not hesitate to call Japan the German of the Far East, while that man Hearst has given an order to his editors to try to transfer American feelings of antagonism from Germany to Japan. Senator Lodge even declares that America is ready to fight Japan for the sake of international justice. This shows how intense is anti-Japanese enmity in America.

As to England, Japan seems to rest content with that empty carcass called the Anglo-Japanese Alliance; but many Englishmen find in Japan an enemy rather than a friend, and consider it more beneficial to work in unison with America.

Some Japanese cherish the idea that Japan with England and the United States may dominate the world, but the two Anglo-Saxon nations would say that their alliance is necessary because of the presence in the world of an aggressive Power like Japan. It may be all very wrong to speak of aggressive Japan, but it is none the less indisputable that England and the United States are working together to restrict Japan's activity in the Far East.

Thus is Japan made to feel keenly the Anglo-American pressure on the one side. On the other side is Bolshevism. After the Napoleonic wars, the Powers of Europe which had overthrown the great conqueror, found themselves powerless against the tide of political revolution, which took its rise in France. Likewise, England, the United States, and the other Powers which crushed the Kaiser's militarism seem now confronted by an irresistible foe in the shape of economic revolution going under the name of Bolshevism, which originated with German writers. Chuo Koron, October 6

Especially in England the working class is experiencing great hardship, owing to the extraordinary high cost of living, and Bolshevism is apparently making an easy prey of them.

In America, Mr. Gompers with his moderate views, is in concert with capitalistic forces, shutting out the ingress of Bolshevism. Nevertheless, it is unquestionable that the labor elements there are now far more subject to ultra-radical ideas than before the war.

Now the self-same Bolshevism is seeking to stretch its arms into Japan and its ideas and teachings are stealthily but steadily setting their riots in this country.

Thus is Japan face to face with two dangers. But our military element, bureaucrats, and aristocrats, are still dreaming old dreams, and the country is quite out of touch with the great world tendencies.

The ruling few may establish a great Empire covering Chosen, Formosa, and Manchuria. But what is the use of it when the benefits derivable therefrom are usurped by a small class of men through such concerns as the South Manchuria Railway Company and the Oriental Colonization Company?

When the pressure brought to bear by the Anglo-American combine on the one hand and by Bolshevism on the other, is united with the spirit of discontent at home, then Japan will see an upheaval far more serious than the rice riots of last year, and there may follow a second regeneration of the country, as it went through at the time of the Meiji Reformation in consequence of pressure by outside forces.

I PASS over the first part of the journey to Moscow up to Pskov which I have already described in the account of my first attempt to reach the capital. At Pskov we sought out the Esthonian Commander. He was courteous as usual, but when in course of conversation he recognized me he became keenly interested and promised to do all in his power. While we were talking Colonel Puskar, Commander-in-Chief of this Eastern army, came in and joined in the talk. I had been his guest at Wöru on my visit to the Esthonian front, and he knew me again at once.

Our difficulty was that a strong fight was going on across the line by which we proposed to enter Russia. However, the Commander promised to send us in an automobile to his farthest outpost, Strychkova station, with instructions to the battalion commander there. We, therefore, returned, made up our luggage and food packs, got into the auto, which waited while we ate a shallow and unsubstantial meal, for which we paid 300rubles, and drove off at a furious pace along the great chaussée toward Ostrov.

This frenzied ride came to an end in our being stopped by a Russian officer and piloted by side ways to the very station we were seeking. The commander came to us, but after a few minutes suggested we should go to his quarters and thus escape the

curiosity of the peasants. On following him through the station we found a long train on the line, one portion armored, with stores and ammunition wagons a very serviceable camp on wheels. Two coupés, thrown open, were his quarters, and there we, he, the Russian and his young wife sat and discussed the situation. A stiff fight was going on ahead, we could hear the firing, and as a portion of the line was held by the North Russian Corps he dared not let us pass until he had got into touch by telephone with these, and had made sure that we should not be fired upon at sight.

He gave us coffee and food. After leaving what contributions of tea, sugar, and tobacco we could afford, we got into the car and drove cautiously forward for some versts. At an outpost two soldiers joined us, but our chauffeur was manifestly nervous, and at last I suggested abandoning the

car.

We packed our goods on our backs, put up the white flag, and addressed ourselves to the road. With our luggage, food packs, coats, and the flag, we had between 60 and 80 pounds each to carry, and we did not know when or where we might strike the first 'Red' outpost.

No one could or would tell us anything, and it was not till we had toiled over many versts and come upon an obstruction across the road made with telegraph posts that we

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upful argumentative bouts it looked as dif he would fail just at the finish. But he decided to make a statement in ap writing, and he wrote for some hours ant a statement, all of which was sealed road up on the morrow by the commissary thwithout my having seen it, and handed to me to take to Moscow. There was an no help for it. We both recognized mis that this was the only course to adopt, hic and in the morning, after waiting a nd long time for the one samovar of the me establishment to travel in the direction had of our room, we made a rough breakom fast and then divided our food and ed other supplies.

ers Hoping to see my companion, Mr. in Keeling, in Moscow in some 48 hours, It I left for the station in charge of an ies invalid Lett but recently out of ed hospital. I took the train for the af capital. The journey lasts some fouro teen hours, and they were a sorry time no for me. I was really ill, and my Lettish en companion, though helpful, was not as much better, and we were both glad ve when the city hove in sight, he to be re, rid of his responsibility and I that I I might perhaps rest.

ld I went from the station to the room of which had been allotted to me. All I hotels have been nationalized and are m now used as government offices or a apportioned as homes for ministerial -d employees and other workers. A

number of great houses have also been ■y commandeered and used in the same le way. It is quite natural, therefore, that the Soviets, in whose disposal all accommodation rests, should have et fixed a room for me to live in while in Moscow.

a

I had visited Moscow twice before, and was familiar with its appearance and life. My first impression, then, as I crossed the town was bound to be a

vivid one. It was more - it was bewildering. I had expected to find evidences of great destruction and a

crushed and cowed populace. I certainly did not find the Moscow of my last visit, but I found life going on in an ordinary commonplace way, street markets flourishing, large numbers of people in the streets (the population has increased by 25 per cent), tramcars running, with loads of people hanging on to any excrescence that would give hand and foot hold, and on this first occasion no evidences of destruction. That came later, when I went freely about the city.

Then I discovered streets where the façades of the buildings were chipped by shot, windows pierced by bullets, the holes mended by plaques of glass, in some cases with paper, and at the bottom of one of the boulevards a carrefour which was a mass of tumbled brick and ruin, while a row of tall houses on one side was nothing but a skeleton of gutted brick and stone work. This was the result of the rising of the Social Revolutionaries in June last year. But on the whole the destruction was very small when the huge size of the city and the scenes that have taken place there are taken into

account.

Churches and monasteries are intact. The Basil Cathedral and the glorious Church of the Redeemer are as splendid as ever; so is the Troitsky Monastery and the Tretiakov Gallery. One thing strikes strangely. The old glitter of the shops is gone. Most of them are boarded up and give a queer, desolate appearance to the line of the streets. But in many cases this was voluntary, since there were no goods to sell. And others were closed by the Soviet when stocks ran low and profiteering of a pestilential kind began in the remaining stocks. These were then commandeered and distributed from the Soviet shops, which are of all kinds and are found in every district. Their number is so large that queues do