the remedy of which the war was undertaken. For these reasons, upon this important point he had never entertained an opinion opposite to that of the noble earl; and upon some of the minor questions, respecting the restoration of the monuments of art plundered in the spirit of the most uncivilized barbarism, he had entertained as little doubt. The propriety of returning them to their real owners did not depend upon the intrinsic value of the objects themselvse, but upon the im portance attached to them by the vanity and vain-glory of the actual possessors. The motive that had induced the French to concentrate these works in Paris, was not a love and reverence of the arts; they had been seized and borne away as the spoil, and in the insolence of conquest: their pride was gratified by this humiliation of mankind. The exaltation of themselves by the debasement of other nations was the ruling principle of French revolutionary policy; and in this view it became a matter of moment to remove this food for vanity, which, in stead of satisfying, only excited a fresh appetite for conquest and domination. By this removal, also, a moral lesson had been read to the people of France on the respect due to property, while the dignity and independence of the other nations of Europe had been effectually asserted. His lordship even regretted that, by the delay of this retribution, a shadow of doubt had been cast upon its justice. Notwithstanding, however, of all this coincidence of opinion in regard to France, Lord Grenville condemned much of what had been done. The territorial arrangements described in the treaties, appeared to him to be, in many particulars,extremely unwise, and the maintenance of so large a British force was regarded by him as establishing a

precedent very dangerous to the do. mestic welfare of our country."

The speeches delivered in the House of Commons were more numerous, as well as more abundant in detail. Those of Sir James M'Intosh and Mr Horner were the best on the side of the opposition; Mr Douglas, Mr Charles Grant, and Lord Castlereagh, defended the treaties with equal talent, and, as it seems to us, upon views of justice as well as of prudence. But, in truth, with regard to the greater part of the topics discussed on this occasion, even now it were hazardous for the annallist to express any very determinate opinion. Of the propriety of our interference with the arrangements of France, and of our using the advan tages of our victory for the purpose of curbing in, future the too military spirit of that country, we have not the shadow of a doubt. But whether the measures adopted by us were the best adapted for securing the repose of Europe, it may not be very easy, even after the experience of more years than have yet elapsed, to decide. These things must be left to time, the teacher of all." In the meanwhile this much may be asserted, that if the measures adopted by the ministry, should in the end be found to be unavailing, they may at least console themselves with the reflection, that their opponents in parliament made mention of no system of arrangements, ex facie, so worthy of England, or so promising of ultimate success.

At the time when the definitive treaty, and a large mass of minor documents were submitted to the inspection of parliament, Mr Brougham took occasion to move for a copy of a treaty concluded at Paris, on the 26th of September in the preceding year, between the sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, which has

come to be known by the name of the Christian Treaty.* The language in which this treaty is conveyed, is indeed, as this gentleman admitted, inoffensive. But, according to him, the harmless, and even unmeaning appearance of it, ought to have excited the suspicion of the reflective. "There was nothing," he contended, " in their peculiar situation or character, there was nothing in the circumstances of the times, that at all required that those sovereigns should put themselve ostentatiously forward as the defenders of that Christianity which no danger menaced, or of those principles which all good men must be ready to sustain. These sovereigns were not suspected of any inclination to depart from Christianity. There was no charge or impeachment preferred against their character or views, which called upon them either with a view to their own vindication, or to what was passing in the world, to enter into a treaty, containing stipulations such as had seldom been heard of from the earliest times, such at least as had not been published since the time of the Crusades, such certainly as had no parallel in modern Europe. For the principles avowed in this treaty he expressed his deference; they were material to the happiness of all states and kingdoms, yet he saw no necessity for any public pledge upon the subject, either from the sovereigns alluded to, or from any other Christian prince. But notwithstanding the principles which this treaty declared a disposition to hold sacred, there was something so singular in its language as to call for observation, and to warrant no little jealousy. After professing at the outset a resolution in the administration of their respective states, and in their relations with every other government, to take as their sole guide the precepts of their holy religion, namely, the precepts of justice, chris

1

tian charity, and peace, the contracting parties pledge themselves in the very first article of the treaty, on all occasions, and in all places, to lend each other aid and assistance; and that they will lead their subjects and armies in the same spirit of fraternity with which they are animated, to pro tect religion, peace, and justice. Was there nothing to excite suspicion in such language? When sovereigns spoke of leading armies to protect religion, peace, and justice, was there no ground for alarm? He feared that there was much reason to apprehend the consequences of this treaty, notwithstanding the sacred principles which it professed to revere. He feared that something more was meant than what immediately met the eye. He could not think that this treaty referred to objects wholly spiritual. Why were they to engage to lead their armies to support the Christian religion, when no power had menaced it? Such a treaty appeared to him very extraordinary, when it was remembered, that but a few weeks before the parties to it had concluded, not only a treaty of peace among themselves, but one which was to secure the repose of all Europe. He always thought there was something suspicious in what a French writer had called les abouchemens des rois.' When crowned heads met, the result of their united councils was not always favourable to the interests of humanity. It was not the first time that Austria, Russia, and Prussia, had laid their heads together. On a former occasion, after professing vast regard for truth, religion, and justice, they had taken a course which had brought much misery on their own subjects, for whose welfare they affected the greatest concern, but they had made a war against an unoffending country, which had found little reason to felicitate themselves on finding their

conquerors pre-eminently distinguished by those feelings which Christianity should inspire. The war against Poland, and the subsequent partition of that devoted country, had been prefaced by language very similar to that which this treaty contained, and the proclamation of the empress Catherine which wound up that fatal tragedy (for fatal that unprincipled partition had proved, and fatal it would prove, to the peace of Europe till justice was rendered,) had almost the same words.”

The circumstance of this treaty having been entered into by these great military sovereigns, without the concurrence of England, was enlarged up. on by Mr Brougham, as affording additional room for doubt; and he expressed his suspicion that the whole was meant to be the forerunner of some crusade against the Ottoman Porte. Lord Castlereagh explained, that at the time of its being concluded, a draft of the treaty had been put into his hands by the ministers of the contracting parties, and that the nonconcurrence of England had been occasioned merely by the forms of diplomacy. The abouchemens des rois, stigmatized by Mr Brougham, had, as he believed, been attended with the most salutary efforts in the course of the late momentous struggles upon the continent of Europe. The brotherly dispositions manifested by those great sovereigns, were not, he contended, to be wantonly branded with the name of hypocrisy, nor was there any thing soapparently absurd in some strong expressions of regard for the Christian faith, on the part of those who had just been employed in combating a sanguinary power, whose schemes of conquest and rapine had been so eminently assisted by the diffusion of a spirit of immorality and irreligion. Whether the instrument," said he, "was necessary

or not, was another question; but he must say, that if that spirit which it breathed was one which sincerely animated the emperor of Russia, and for himself he could not entertain a doubt upon the subject, there was nothing upon which he should more sincerely congratulate Europe and the world. If the Emperor of Russia chose to found his glory upon such a basis, posterity would do justice to the noble determination. Having already done so much for mankind by his arms, to what better purpose could he apply his great influence, in the councils of the sovereigns of Europe, than to secure for it a long and beneficial peace? It was the only glory which was now left him to acquire, after the great personal glory which he had already acquired. With respect to the document itself, Lord Castelreagh opposed its production upon a parliamenary ground, as it was contrary to the practice of parliament to call for the production of treaties to which this country was no party.

Mr Brougham's motion was lost by a majority of 104 to 30.

On the 12th of February, the most important business of the Lower House commenced. The House having formed itself into a Committee of Supply, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, and offered, in a very long and interesting speech, a variety of observations calculated to explain the vote of credit, which it was his intention to propose. "His object," he said, “was in the first place to provide for the payment of different exchequer bills outstanding, and which, in the ordinary course, should now be provided for. The first was a sum of 11 millions of exchequer bills, which remained of a sum of 12 millions and a half, voted in November 1814; also another of 4 millions and a half of exchequer bills which were now become due, and

lastly, a sum of a million and a half which had usually been carried on from year to year. He should also propose to make provision for the exchequer bills outstanding on the aids of the year 1815, and amounting to 18,600,000l.; carrying to the amount of the ways and means of 1816, an equal sum from those of 1815, which still remained to be received. The object of this arrangement, which was similar to the practice of several years past, was to make all sums received into the exchequer applicable to the service of either year, as occasion might require."

With regard to the actual state of the revenue, which, in the course of the preceding debates, some of the opposition members had expressed their suspicions might be found less flourishing than the speech from the throne had represented it, the Chancellor entered into a number of details, the result of which was to shew, that so far from any falling off in the productiveness of taxation, the net revenue of 1815 had exceeded that of any former year by more than a million, and that therefore there was no occasion to despond respecting the future condition of the public purse. He stated also, that of the sums granted for the last year, a large surplus had been beneficially employed in reducing the exchequer bills and the navy debt, so that the whole unfunded debt had been brought down from 68,547,000l. to 47,700,000l. The view which he presented of the commerce of the country, particularly of the exportation of the linen, cotton, and woollen manufactures, was equally satisfactory. In the three quarters ending October 10, 1814, the value of our exports had been 37,167,2947. ; in the three quarters ending October 10, 1815, they had been 42,425,3571.

Notwithstanding, however, all these

favourable appearances, it was not attempted to be concealed that the community at large were labouring under many embarrassments. Of these the distress of the agricultural classes was universally acknowledged to be the principal cause. According to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the fluctuations in the corn market, occasioned by the long want, and then the sudden pouring in of foreign corn, together with the withdrawing of the immense purchases formerly made by the government, had thrown the farmers into a state of uneasiness, from which no effectual recovery could be expected till the progress of time should have enabled things to reach once more their natural level.* The remedies which he proposed for these embarrassments were two-fold; first, a diminution in taxation, viz. the reduction of the property-tax from ten to five per cent. and the remission of some minor taxes particularly affecting the agricultural interest. Secondly, a system of measures for the support of public credit. By abstaining from any demands upon the money market, and by throwing into that market an additional capital of fourteen millions for the sinking fund, (which he thought could easily be done,) such an impulse would, he apprehended, be given to the commerce of money, as would tend far more effectually to relieve those most under the pressure of temporary difficulties, than could possibly be accomplished by withdrawing a sum of the same extent from the general produce of taxation.

With respect to the public expenditure of the year, the principal heads upon which the Chancellor touched were the navy and army. In regard to both of these, the statement he had to offer might, he said, appear extra

vagant, when compared with the peace establishments known in preceding years; but it should be recollected, that after the conclusion of every war, more particularly one of such a character as that just terminated, a considerable time must be permitted to elapse before the country could be supposed to have settled down into its posture of perfect tranquillity, or to have got rid of the expensive establishments with which its warlike necessities had burdened it. A vote would be proposed for 33,000 seamen, 10,000 of whom might be set down to the account of squadrons on foreign stations, which it had not yet been in the pow of government to recall and pay off. The army estimates would, in like manner, be much greater this year than hereafter. Twenty-five thousand would be required for Great Britain, and Guernsey and Jersey, including the depots necessary for relieving garrisons abroad. An equal number would be required for Ireland. The troops necessary for the colonies and garrisons in Europe and America would bring up the number requisite for the British and Irish establishment to 90,000. Twenty thousand, requisite for India, would be paid by the East India Company; and 30,000, forming part of the allied force in France, would be supported at the expence of

that country.

The Chancellor concluded his speech with a statement of the ways and means, whereby he judged it would be most expedient to meet the expenditure. He mentioned, that "he should have the pleasure of beginning this with a very novel and satisfactory item, namely, a surplus of the unapplied grants of the preceding year. He had already stated what considerable sums of the unfunded debt of the country had been liquidated by the application of the surplus of those grants, and he had now the further pleasure of stating,

that they might safely take credit for three millions more, as applicable to the public service of the country in the present year. The next item was the surplus of the consolidated fund, and although it was impossible to determine the precise sum at which that surplus might be taken, until after the 5th of April, yet he was sure he might safely estimate it at 2,500,000l. The ordinary annual taxes he would estimate at 3,000,000. He also intended propose the prolongation of some of the war taxes on customs and excise, which had not yet expired. The next item was a five per cent. property-tax;

to

--

ting in view some reductions, and bearing in mind also some probable diminutions from other causes, he should not estimate its produce at more than 6,000,000l. The lottery he should take at 200,000l. The only remaining item was one with which he should not trouble the committee at any length: he alluded to an advance from the Bank of 6,000,000%. at four per cent.

This financial exposition was attacked on many points by Mr Ponsonby, Mr Brougham, Mr Tierney, and some other members. The extent of the army to be kept up, the proposed continuance of the property-tax, and the nature of the transactions with the Bank, formed the principal grounds of objection; but the observations made upon this occasion were only the prelude to more full and formal discussions of the same subjects taken separately in posterior debates. A number of remarks were made in respect to the distressed state of the agricultural bodies, but these, in like manner, were repeated and enlarged upon on subsequent occasions. Lord Castlereagh defended the exposition; and the resolutions proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer were carried with out a vote.