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18th CONGRESS,

20 SESSION.

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Message of the President, at the opening of the Session.

[Sen. and II. of R.

for instruction in like inanner. In this mode, a complete military will be incorporated with the civil, and unfound

knowledge of the science and duties of this arm, will - be extended throughout the whole Corps of Artillery. Bat, to carry this object fully into effect, will require the aid of Congress; to obtain which, the subject is now submitted to your consideration.

Of the progress which has been made in the construction of Fortifications, for the permanent defence of our maritime frontier, according to the plan decided on, and to the extent of the existing appropriations, the Report - of the Secretary of War, which is herewith communica-ted, will give a detailed account. Their final completion cannot fail to give great additional security to that -frontier, and to diminish, proportionably, the expense of defending it in the event of war.

The provisions in the several acts of Congress, of the last session, for the improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi and the Ohio, of the Harbour of Presqu'isle, on Lake Erie, and the repair of the Plymouth Beach, are in a course of regular execution; and, there is reason to believe, that the appropriation, in each instance, will be adequate to the object. To carry these improvements fully into effect, the superintendence of them has been assigned to officers of the Corps of Engineers.

- Under the act of 30th April last, authorizing the President to cause a survey to be made, with the necessary plans and estimates, of such roads and canals, as he might deem of national importance, in a commercial or milita

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ed and injurious distinctions and prejudices, of every kind, be done away. To the corps themselves, this service cannot fail to be equally useful, since, by the knowledge they would thus acquire, they would be eminently better qualified, in the event of war, for the great purposes for which they were instituted.

Our relations with the Indian tribes within our limits, have not been materially changed during the year. The hostile disposition evinced by certain tribes on the Missouri during the last year, still continues, and has extended, in some degree, to those on the Upper Mississippi and the upper Lakes Several parties of our citizens have been plundered and murdered by those tribes. In order to establish relations of friendship with them, Congress, at the last session, made an appropriation for treaties with them, and for the employment of a suitable military escort to accompany and attend the Commissioners at the places appointed for the negotiations. This object has not been effected. The season was too far advanced when the appropriation was made, and the distance too great to permit it, but measures have been taken, and all the preparations will be completed, to accomplish it at an early period in the next season.

Believing that the hostility of the Tribes, particularly on the upper Mississippi, and the Lakes, is in no small degree owing to the wars which are carried on between the Tribes residing in that quarter, measures have been

ry point of view, or for the transportation of the mail, a taken to bring about a general peace among them, which, Board has been instituted, consisting of two distinguish- if successful, will not only tend to the security of our ed officers of the Corps of Engineers, and a distinguish-citizens, but be of great advantage to the Indians themed Civil Engineer, with assistants, who have been ac-selves.

tively employed in carrying into effect the object of the act. They have carefully examined the route between the Potomac and the Ohio rivers; between the latter and Lake Erie: between the Alleghany and the Susque hannah; and the routes between the Delaware and the Rariton, Barnstable and Buzzard's Bay, and between Boston Harbour and Narraganset Bay. Such portion of the corps of Topographical Engineers as could be spared from the survey of the coast, has been employed in

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With the exception of the Tribes referred to, our re lations with all the others are on the same friendly footing, and it affords me great satisfaction to add, that they are making steady advances in civilization, and the im provement of their condition. Many of the Tribes have already made great progress in the arts of civilized life. This desirable result has been brought about by the hus mane and persevering policy of the Government, and particularly by means of the appropriation for the civil

surveying the very important route between the Poto-ization of the Indians. There have been established, un.

mac and the Ohio. Considerable progress has been made in it, but the survey cannot be completed until the next season. It is gratifying to add, from the view already taken, that there is good cause to believe, that this great national object may be fully accomplished.

der the provisions of this act, thirty-two schools, contain ing nine hundred and sixteen scholars, who are well instructed in several branches of literature, and likewise in agriculture, and the ordinary arts of life.

Under the appropriation to authorize treaties with the Creeks, and Quapaw Indians, commissioners have been appointed, and negotiations are now pending, but the result is not yet known.

It is contemplated to commence early in the next season, the execution of the other branch of the act, that which relates to roads, and with the survey of a route from this city, through the southern states, to New OrFor more full information respecting the principle leans, the importance of which cannot be too highly which has been adopted for carrying into effect the act officers of both the corps of Engi- of Congress authorizing stirveys, with plans and estimates, for canals and roads, and on every other branch

estimated.

of duty incident to the Department of War, I refer you to the Report of the Secretary.

The squadron in the Mediterranean has been maintained in the extent which was proposed in the Report of the Secretary of the Navy of the last year, and has afforded to our commerce the necessary protection in that sea. Apprehending, however, that the unfriendly relations which have existed between Algiers and some of the powers of Europe, might be extended to us, it has been thought expedient to augment the force there, and, in consequence, the "North Carolina," a ship of the line, has been prepared, and will sail in a few days

neers, who could be spared from other services, have been employed in exploring and surveying the routes for canals. To digest a plan for both objects, for the great purposes specified, will require a thorough knowledge of every part of our Union, and of the relation of each part to the others, and of all to the seat of the General Government. For such a digest it will be necessary that the information be full, minute, and precise. With a view to these important objects, I submit to the consideration of Congress the propriety of enlarging both the corps of Engineers, the military and topographical. It need scarcely be remarked that the more extensively these corps are engaged in the improvement of their country, in the execution of the powers of Congress, and to join it. in aid of the states in such improvements as lie beyond The force employed in the Gulph of Mexico, and in that limit, when such aid is desired, the happier the the neighboring seas, for the suppression of Piracy, has effect will be in many views of which the subject is sus- likewise been preserved essentially in the state in which ceptible. By profiting of ther science, the works will it was during the last year. A persevering effort has

always be well executed; and, by giving to the officers such employment, our Union will derive all the advanLage, in peace as well as in war, from their talents and services, which they can afford. In this mode, also, the

been made for the accomplishment of that object, and much protection has thereby been afforded to our commerce, but still the practice is far from being suppressed. From every view which has been taken of the sub

18th CONGRESS, 20 SESSION.

}

Message of the President, at the opening of the Session.

ect, it is thought that it will be necessary rather to augment than to diminish our force in that quarter. There is reason to believe that the piracies now complained of, are committed by bands of robbers who inhabit the land, and who, by preserving good intelligence with the towns, and seizing favorable opportunities, rush forth and fall on unprotected merchant vessels, of which they make an easy prey. The pillage thus taken, they carry to their lurking places, and dispose of afterwards, at prices tending to seduce the neighboring population. This combination is understood to be of great extent; and is the more to be deprecated, because the crime of piracy is often attended with the murder of the crews, these robbers knowing, if any survived, their lurking places would be exposed, and they be caught and punished. That this atrocious practice should be carried to such extent, is cause of equal surprize and regret. It is presumed that it must be attributed to the relaxed and feeble state of the local Governments, since it is not doubted. from the high character of the Governor of Cuba, who is well known and much respected here, that if he had the power, he would promptly suppress it. Whether those robbers should be pursued on the land, the local authorities be made responsible for these atrocities, or any other measure he resorted to, to suppress them, is submitted to the consideration of Congress.

In execution of the laws for the suppression of the slave trade, a vessel has been occasionally sent from that squadron to the coast of Africa, with orders to return thence by the usual track of the slave ships, and to seize any of our vesse s which might be engaged in that trade. None have been found, and, it is believed, that none are thus employed. It is well known, however, that the trade still exists under other flags.

The health of our squadron while at Thompson's Island, has been much better during the present, than it was the last season. Some improvements have been made, and others are contemplated there, which, it is believed, will have a very salutary effect.

On the Pacific, our commerce has much increased, and on that coast, as well as on that sea, the United States have many important interests which require attention and protection. It is thought that all the considerations which suggested the expediency of placing a squadron on that sea, operate with augmented force, for maintaining it there at least in an equal extent.

For detailed information respecting the state of our maritime force, on each sea, the improvement necessary to be made on either, in the organization of the Naval Establishment, generally, and of the laws for its better government, I refer you to the Report of the Secretary of the Navy, which is herewith communicated.

The revenue of the Post Office Department has received a considerabl augmentation in the present year. The current receipts will exceed the expenditures, although the transportation of the mail, within the year, has been much increased. A Report of the Postmaster General, which is transmitted, will furnish, in detail, the necessary information respecting the administration and present state of this Department.

In conformity with a resolution of Congress, of the last Session, an invitation was given to General Lafayette to visit the United States, with an assurance that a ship of war should attend at any port of France which he might designate, to receive and convey him across the Atlantic, whenever it might be convenient for him to sail. He declined the offer of the public ship, from motives of delicacy, but assured me that he had long intended, and would certainly visit our Union, in the course of the present year. In August last, he arrived at New York, where he was received with the warmth of affection and gratitude to which his very important and disinterested services and sacrifices, in our Revolutionary struggle, so eminently entitled him. A corresponding sentiment has since been manifested, in

[Sen. and IH. of R.

his favor, throughout every portion of our Union, and s fectionate invitations have been given him to extend s visits to them. To these he has yielded all the accomm dation in his power. At every designated point of res dezvous, the whole population of the neighboring cous try has been assembled to greet him, among whom it has excited, in a peculiar manner, the sensibility of al to behold the surviving members of our Revolutionar contest, civil and military, who had shared with him in the toils and dangers of the war, many of them in a de crepid s'ate. A more interesting spectacle, it is belier. ed, was never witnessed, because none could be found ed on purer principles-none proceed from higher more disinterested motives. That the feelings of the who had fought and bled with him, in a common caus. should have been much excited, was natural. There are, however, circumstances attending these interviews which pervaded the whole community, and touched the breasts of every age, even the youngest among s There was not an individual present who had not somers lative who had not partaken n those scenes, nor an infar who had not heard the relation of them. But the circar stance which was most sensibly felt, and which his pre sence brought forcibly to the recollection of all was the great cause in which we were engaged, and the bless ings which we have derived from our success in it. Th: struggle was for independence and liberty, public and personal, and in this we succeeded. The meeting win one who had borne so distinguished a part in that great struggle, and from such lofty and disinterested motives, could not fail to affect, profoundly, every individual, and of every age. It is natural that we should all take a de interest in his future welfare, as we do. Ilis high claims on our Union are felt, and the sentiment universal, this they should be met in a generous spirit. Under these impressions, I invite your attention to the subject, with a view that, regarding his very important services, bes es, and sacrifices, a provision may be made, and tender ed to him, which shall correspond with the sentiments and be worthy the character, of the American people.

In turning our attention to the condition of the civil ized world, in which the United States have alaus taken a deep interest, it is gratifying to see how large 1 portion of it is blessed with peace. The only wars which now exist within that Imit, are those between Turkey and Greece, in Europe, and between Spain and the new Governments, our neighbors, in this hemisphere. la both these wars, the cause of independence, of liberty. and humanity, continues to prevail. The success of Greece, when the relative population of the contending parties is considered, commands our admiration and ap plause, and that it has had a similar effect with the neighboring Powers, is obvious. The feeling of the whole civilized world is excited, in a high degree, in their favor. May we not hope that these sentiments, winning on the hearts of their respective Governments, may lead to a more decisive result? that they may p duce an accord among them, to replace Greece on the ground which she formerly held, and to which her be roic exertions, at this day, so eminently entitle her?

With respect to the contest, to which our neighbors are a party, it is evident that Spain, as a power, is scarcek felt in it. These new states had completely achieve their independence, before it was acknowledged by the United States, and they have since maintained it, wतर little foreign pressure. The disturbances which have appeared in certain portions of that vast territory, have proceeded from internal causes, which had their origa in their former governments, and have not yet bee thoroughly removed. It is manifest that these causes are daily losing their effect, and that these new states are settling down under governments elective and repre In this sentative in every branch, similar to our own. course we ardently wish them to persevere, under firm conviction that it will promote their happiness. I

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18th CONGRESS,

} Message of the President, at the opening of the Session.

this their career, however, we have not interfered, believing that every people have a right to institute for themselves the government, which, in their judgment, may suit them best. Our example is before them, of the good effect of which, being our neighbours, they are competent judges, and to their judgment we leave it, in the expectation that other powers will pursue the same policy. The deep interest which we take in their independence which we have acknowledged, and in heir enjoyment of all the rights incident thereto, especially in the very important one of instituting their own governments, has been declared and is known to the world. Separated, as we are from Europe by the great Atlantic ocean, we can have no concern in the wars of the European Governments, nor in the causes which produce them. The balance of power between them, into which ever scale it may turn in its various vibrations, cannot affect us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most friendly relations with every power, and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all. But, in regard to our neighbours our situation is different. It is impossible for the European Governments to interfere in their concerns, especially in those alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us; indeed the motive which might induce such interference in the present state of the war between the parties, if a war it may be called, would appear to be equally applicable to us. It is gratifying to know that some of the powers with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them.

The augmentation of our population, with the expansion of our Union, and increased number of states, have produced effects in certain branches of our system, which merit the attention of Congress. Some of our arrange. ments, and particularly the Judiciary Establishment, were made with a view to the original thirteen states only. Since then the United States have acquired a vast extent of territory; eleven new states have been admitted into the Union, and territories have been laid off for three others, which will likewise be admitted at no distant day. An organization of the Supreme Court, which assigns to the Judges any portion of the duties which belong to the inferior, requiring their passage over so vast a space, under any distribution of the states that may now be made, if not impracticable in the execution, must render it impossible for them to discharge the duties of either branch with advantage to the Union. The duties of the Supreme Court would be of great importance, fits decisions were confined to the ordinary limits of other tribunals; but when it is considered that this court decides, and in the last resort, on all the great questions which arise under our Constitution, involving those between the United States, individually, between the states and the United States, and between the latter and foreign powers, too high an estimate of their importance cannot be formed. The great interests of the nation seem to require, that the Judges of the Supreme Court should be exempted from every other duty, than those which are incident to that high trust. The organization of the inferior courts would, of course, be adapted to circumstances. It is presumed that such an one might be formed, as would secure an able and faithful discharge of their duties, and without any material augmentation of expense.

ever.

The condition of the Aborigines within our limits, and especially those who are within the limits of any of the states, merits likewise particular attention. Experience has shown, that, unless the tribes be civilized, they can never be incorporated into our system, in any form whatIt has likewise shown, that, in the regular aug. mentation of our popu'ation, with the extension of our settlements, their situation will become deplorable, if their extinction is not menaced. Some well digested plan, which will rescue them from such calamities, is due to their rights, to the rights of humanity, and to the

[Sen. and H. of R.

honor of the nation. Their civilization is indispensable to their safety; and this can be accomplished only by degrees. The process must commence with the infant state, through whom some effect may be wrought on the parental. Difficulties of the most serious character present themselves to the attainment of this very desirable result, on the territory on which they now reside. To remove them from it by force, even with a view to their own security and happiness, would be revolting to humanity, and utterly unjustifiable. Between the limits of our present States and territories, and the Rocky Mountain and Mexico, there is a vast territory, to which they might be invited, with inducements, which might be successful. It is thought if that Territory should be divided into Districts, by previous agreement with the tribes now resident there, and civil Governments be established in each, with schools, for every branch of instruction in literature, and the arts of civilized life, that all the tribes now within our limits might gradually be drawn there. The execution of this plan would necessarily be attended with expense, and that not inconsiderable, but it is doubted whether any other can be devised which woul ! be less liable to that objection, or more likely to succeed.

In looking to the interests which the United States have on the Pacific Ocean, and on the western coast of this Continent, the propriety of establishing a military post at the mouth of Columbia river, or at some other point in that quarter, within our acknowledged limits, is submitted to the consideration of Congress. Our commerce and fisheries on that sea, and along the coast, have much increased, and are increasing. It is thought that a military post, to which our ships of war might resort, would afford protection to every interest, and have a tendency to conciliate the tribes to the north-west, with whom our trade is extensive. It is thought, also, that, by the establishment of such a post, the intercourse between our western states and territories, and the Pacific, and our trade with the tribes residing in the interior, on each side of the Rocky Mountain, would be essentially promoted. To carry this object into effect, the appropriation of an adequate sum to authorize the employment of a frigate, with an officer of the corps of engineers, to explore the mouth of the Columbia river, and the coast contiguous thereto, to enable the Executive to make such establishment at the most suitable point, is recommended to Congress.

It is thought that attention is also due to the improvement of this city. The communication between the public buildings, ngs, and in various other parts, and the grounds around those buildings, require it. It is presumed also, that the completion of the canal, from the Tiber to the Eastern Branch, would have a very salutary effect. Great exertions have been made, and expenses incurred, by the citizens, in improvements of various kinds; but those which are suggested, belong exclusively to the Government, or are of a nature to require expenditures beyond their resources. The public lots which are still for sale, would, it is not doubted, be more than adequate to these purposes.

From the view above presented, it is manifest, that the situation of the United States is, in the highest degree, prosperous and happy. There is no object which, as a people, we can desire, which we do not possess, or which is not within our reach. Blessed with governments the happiest which the world ever knew, with no distinct orders in society, or divided interests in the vast territory over which their dominion extends, we have every motive to cling together, which can animate a virtuous and enlightened people. The great object is to preserve those blessings, and to hand them down to the latest posterity. Our experience ought to satisfy us, that our pro gress, under the most correct and provident policy, will not be exempt from danger. Our institutions form an important epoch in the history of the civilized workt.

18th CONGRESS, 20 SESSION.

}

Message of the President, at the opening of the Session.

On their preservation, and in their utmost purity, every thing will depend. Extending, as our interests do, to every part of the inhabited globe, and to every sea, to which our citizens are carried by their industry and enterprise, to which they are invited by the wants of others, and have a right to go, we must either protect them in the enjoyment of their rights, or abandon them, in certain events, to waste and desolation. Our attitude is highly interesting as relates to other powers, and particularly to our southern neighbors. We have duties to 'perform with respect to all, to which we must be faithful. To every kind of danger we should pay the most vigilant and unceasing attention; remove the cause when practicable: and be prepared to meet it when inevitable. Against foreign danger, the policy of the Government seems to be already settled. The events of the late war admonished us to make our maritime frontier impregnable, by a well digested chain of fortifications, and to give efficient protection to our commerce, by augmenting our Navy to a certain extent; which has been steadily pursued, and which it is incumbent upon us to complete, as soon as circumstances will permit. In the event of war, it is on the maritime frontier that we shall be assailed. It is in that quarter, therefore, that we should be prepared to meet the attack. It is there that our whole force will be called into action, to pre

vent the destruction of our towns, and the desolation and pillage of the interior. To give full effect to this policy, great improvements will be indispensable. Access to those works, by every practicable communication, should be made easy, and in every direction. The intercourse, also, between every part of our Union, should also be promoted, and facilitated by the exer. cise of those powers, which may comport with a faithful regard to the great principles of our Constitution. With respect to internal causes, those great principles point out, with equal certainty, the policy to be pursued. Res ing on the people, as our Governments do, State and National, with well defined powers, it is of the highest importance, that they, severally, keep within the limits prescribed to them. Fulfilling that sacred duty, it is of equal importance, the movement between them be harmonious; and in case of any disagreement, should such occur, that a calm appeal be made to the people; and that their voice be heard, and promptly obeyed. Both Governments being instituted for the common good, they cannot fail to prosper, while those who made them are attentive to the conduct of their representatives, and control their measures. In the pursuit of these great objects, let a generous spirit, and national views and feelings be indulged; and let every part recollect, that, by cherishing that spirit, and improving the condition of the others, in what relates to their welfare, the general interest will not only be promoted, but the local advantage reciprocated, by all.

I cannot conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I shall have to make, without recollecting, with great sensibility and heartfelt gratitude, the many instances of the public confidence, and the generous support which I have received from my fellow-citizens in the various trusts with which I have been honored. Having commenced my service in early youth, and continued it since with few and short intervals, I have witnessed the great difficulties to which our Union has been exposed, and admired the virtue and courage with which they were surmounted. From the present prosperous and happy state, 1 derive a gratification which I cannot ex. press. That these blessings may be preserved and perpetuated, will be the object of my fervent and unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe.

JAMES MONROE.

Washington, December 7, 1824.

[Sen. and H. of R

DOCUMENTS

Accompanying the preceding Message.

Message from the President of the United States, tre atting a Convention between the United States ani Great Britain, for the Suppression of the Slave Tra

IN SENATE, Friday, April 30, 1824.

The following written message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Everett, his Secretary :

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for their constitutional ad vice, with regard to its ratification, a convention for the Suppression of the African Slave Trade, signed at Lea den, on the 18th ult. by the Minister of the United Statei residing there, on their part, with the Plenipotenitanes of the British Government, on the part of that nation together with the correspondence relating thereto, part

of which is included in a communication made to the

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SIR: Ireceived, on the evening of the 20th instant, a note from Mr. Secretary Canning, requesting me to call, on the following day, at the Foreign Office, for the par pose of meeting there Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Stratford Canning, by which I at once understood that the negotiation which the President has confided to me, was now abou to have its regular commencement I went at the time appointed, when, meeting these gentlemen, I was informed by them that their instructions, as well as fuli powers, as the Plenipotentiaries of this Government, were made out, and that all things were ready, on their side, for opening the negotiation. 1 replied, that I too was ready on the part of the United States, upon which the 23d was fixed upon for our first meeting

The negotiation has accordingly been opened this day, in due form, at the office of the Board of Trade. At the wish of Mr. Secretary Canning, specially expres sed at the Foreign Office the day before yesterday, the subject of the slave trade is that upon which we have first entered. Our introductory conferences upon it, occupied a couple of hours, when an adjournment took place until Thursday next, the 29th instant. It was agreed that the same subject should then be resumed, and, without discussing others, proceeded with until it should be finished. In making my reports to you of this negotiation, for the information of the President, my intention is not to make them from meeting to meeting, a course that might often prove unsatisfactory and unas vailing, but to wait the issue of the whole, or, at any rate, the completion of some one object, before I proceed to write about it. This was the plan pursued at the joint negotiation with this court in 1818, in which I borea share, and I hope will be approved. I will take care to deviate from it whenever circumstances may seem to render a deviation necessary and proper; as, moreover, I must, simultaneously with this negotiation, attend to the business of the legation, it has occurred to me that, as often as I may find it necessary to write to you respecting the latter, whilst the negotiation is in progress, I will go on with the regular series in numbering my despatch

18th CONGRESS,

21 SESSION.

Documents accompanying the President's Message.

es, treating those that I shall write on the negotiation, as distinct, and so numbering them. I cannot flatter myself with the expectation that the work of the negotiation will be very soon done. The subjects are many and complicated; the session of Parliament is at hand, and will, when it arrives, make heavy calls upon the time of one of the British Plenipotentiaries; added to which, the daily interruptions to which my own time is liable, always the lot of the permanent incumbent of this mission, will be too liable to increase the unavoidable obstacles to frequent and rapid conferences. I can only repeat, that my best endeavors shall not be spared, and I presume to hope, that my past conduct in this trust will be accepted as the pledge of my future diligence.

Although there have been delays in bringing on the negotiation, all my preliminary correspondence in relation to it, will, I trust, have sufficiently shewn that they have not arisen through my instrumentality. The standing of one of the British Plenipotentiaries is so well known to us that I need not speak of it. The other, Mr. Huskisson, (first named in the commission,) is of the Cabinet, a distinguished member of the House of Commons, the President of the Board of Trade, and Treasurer of the Navy. Besides his reputation for talents, which is high, he seems to be no less generally regarded as a man of liberal principles and conciliating temper. I have the honor to remain, With very great respect, Your obedient servant, RICHARD RUSH.

(No. 2.)

Mr. Rush to Mr. Adams.

LONDON, March 15, 1824.

Sin: I have the honor to inform you, that I concluded and signed on behalf of the United States, the day before yesterday, a convention with this Government, for the suppression of the slave trade, which instrument I herewith transmit to your hands, to be laid before the President.

In my despatch, No. 335, written previously to the commencement of the negotiation, I mentioned that Mr. Secretary Canning had expressed a wish that the subject of the slave trade should be treated separately from all others on which I had received the instructions of my Government, and that I had not thought it necessary to object to this course. In pursuance of it, this subject was accordingly taken up separately, and was the first upon which we entered, as you have already been informed, in my despatch which announced the formal opening of the negotiation.

The only deviation from the course indicated in my latter despatch, has been, that other subjects have since been gone into, though none, as yet, finished, a mode of

proceeding that was found eligible.

With the convention I also transmit the protocols of the several conferences at which its provisions were discussed and settled, and for the better understanding of the whole subject, I proceed to give you a more full account of the nature and progress of the discussions than can be afforded by the protocols.

I offered, in the first instance, to the British Plenipotentiaries, and without any alteration, the projet that came inclosed to me in your despatch, No. 65, of the 24th of June, explaining and recommending its provisions by such considerations as were to be drawn from your des patch, and others that seemed apposite. They remarked, that they hoped it would be borne in mind, that the plan offered was not of the choice of Great Britain, her prefer

[Sen. and H. of R.

garded the latter intimation, I replied, that the United States stood upon at least equal ground with Great Britain, their existing laws against the slave trade being marked by even a higher tone of severit, and the consequent exclusion of their citizens from all participation in the trade, being, as was believed, so far as the virtue of municipal laws could avail, not less effectual. As to the preference of Great Britain for a different plan, I contented myself with alluding, with more of retrospect, to the uniform objections that had been made to it by the leading powers of Europe, especially by France and Russia, as well as by the United States; and with remarking, that my Government had charged me with the duty of presenting the projet in question, under the twofold view of bringing forward, according to the wish of Great Britain, a substitute for the plan that had been rejected, and to carry into effect a resolution which had passed the House of Representatives of the United States upon this subject, at the close of the last session of Congress.

I added, that it was the sincere belief of my Government, rendering, at the same time, full justice to all the past efforts of Great Britain, in the cause of abolition, that if she could see her way to the acceptance of the plan now offered, combining, as it did, the great principle of denouncing the slave trade as piracy, with a system of international co-operation for its suppression, the evil would be more effectually extirpated, and at a day not distant, than by any other modes that had heretofore been devised.

The British Plenipotentiaries replied, that they would give it a candid examination, esteeming themselves fortunate, considering the great moral interests at stake, and which both nations had alike at heart, if they could reconcile its acceptance with the opinions and convictions which had hitherto guided the conduct of their government on this subject. They gave their unhesitating assent to the principle of denouncing the traffic as piracy by the laws of Great Britain, provided we could arrive at a common mind on all other parts of the plan proposed. After they had had the plan a proper time under consideration, they expressed their fears that part of it would prove ineffectual, unless with modifications and additions which they would proceed to enumerate. These were principally as follow:

They said, that, as soon as the two powers, by their mutual laws, had rendered all participation of the slave trade piracy, and, by a formal convention, agreed to unite their naval efforts for its suppression, it might be expected that the subjects and citizens of each who meditated a commission of the offence, would no longer venture to assume the proper flag of either country, but seek to shroud their guilt under that of some third power,

not yet a party to the convention. British subjects or American citizens, might, for example, readily charter a Danish, a Swedish, or a Russian vessel, and under cover of either of these flags, with simulated papers, and other fraudulent contrivances, pursue the traffic, whilst the true owner of the vessel remained in ignorance of the real

and guilty transaction.

Were such transgressors, the British Plenipotentiaries asked, to be screened from all detection and punishment, though the vessel should be afterwards restored? I answered, that I presumed not; and that the words of the second article of the projet, or for account of their subjects or citizens, were, as I supposed, intended to meet such a case, or other similar attempts to get rid, by evasive pretexts, of the penalties created by the convention. They agreed in ascribing to them this meaning, but thought that some more distinctive provision would be necessary to prevent such evasions. They further asked, suppose a British subject, or an American citizen, to be taken whilst engaged in the slave trade, on board of a vessel not belonging to either power, or navigated on account of the sub

ence having been distinctly made known to Europe, as well as the United States, for a different plan; nor was it, they said, necessary towards the more effectual abolition of the traffic by her own subjects, her home statutes and prohibitions being already adequate to that end. As re-jects or citizens of either, and brought into Great Britain

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