not be far out of the way were we to add that every tenth man is a soldier. Such an enormous proportion of non-producers must of necessity soon reduce a nation to beggary. One-fifth of the population cannot be maintained in almost entire idleness, without the result being felt by the community at large.

Thus we see how the Italian people have been oppressed and impover ished, by the bad government of foreign princes. Now, however, a different lot awaits them, if they will only continue with patience what they have begun. VICTOR EMANUEL Cannot change all this at once, but we hope much from him. To be sure the government of the Italian king is not one, which, in our acceptation of the term, could be called liberal. The freedom, which the Sardinians and Piedmontese have enjoyed, is not a freedom which we would be likely to relish. They are free for Italians, not for us. Their liberty, then, is a relative not an absolute term,—and it is in this restricted and limited sense that it is used. But to learn what will be the effect on Italy of his government, we must look at its results in the past. Sardinia and Piedmont have always presented, even to the hasty glance of the traveler, unmistakable evidences of a well-regulated and liberal-minded government. Turin is, without exception, the most beautiful and flourishing city in Italy. The modern and comfortable appearance of its houses, the beauty and regularity of its well-paved streets, and the evident activity and energy of its inhabitants plainly show, that its government has been one, which studies to promote the interests and so to develop the industry of its people. In Genoa, moreover, the same thing is strongly manifested. Alexandria and Asti, also, are important and prosperous places, and the whole country seems vitalized with the healthy atmosphere of an active diligence, perhaps not so extensive in its influence as we might wish, nor so well fostered by the government as it might be, but still in striking contrast with the squalid penury of Naples and Rome. And why cannot we expect these same evidences of prosperity and power to manifest themselves in every quarter of the peninsular, over which the same rule shall extend its happy sway? When the blasting influences of the dark cloud, which has hung for so long over that beautiful country, are taken away, why cannot the industry of its people, no longer tramelled by a pernicious legislation, build up and maintain a flourishing trade, which will establish the nation in its proper place, and prove the best bulwark of its increasing liberties? And not only is this part of the kingdom more liberal in its legislative action, but here also, and here only, is any religious liberty enjoyed. In the city of Turin the traveler is shown. a fine stone church of modern architecture, with a tappering spire pointing heavenwards, in which the few of the reformed faith are permitted to meet together, and worship according to the dictates of their own consciences. In this quarter, also, that progressive spirit was manifested, which impelled the priests themselves to petition for such reformation, as would have purified, in a very great degree, the entire character of their church. These, it is true, are but signs on the surface. Still they are there, and have a real significance. They are oases in a desert which refresh the heart and encourage us to hope.

But it is absolutely essential, that Italy should enjoy a period of rest. Her annual deficit is not far from $50,000,000; and it isonly with peace, that this deficit can be changed into a surplus, and the evils of oppres

sive taxation be mitigated. Let the government once be able to reduce its army, and with that its annual expenses, devoting its energies to encouraging industry, capital will immediately flow in, labor become remunerative, making that sunny land rejoice again in prosperity and abund

ance.

But what is the feeling in Italy with regard to the Convention? One would naturally expect that the provisions of the treaty, which do not guarantee to Italy an absolute and entire unity, would instantly be spurned as treason by "the party of action," and be maintained, (if maintained at all,) only by the conservatives. But, strange to say, just the contrary is the fact. The requirements of the Convention are upheld by the radicals, while the moderates appear to be the first to denounce them. "The wise and noble constraint," which the former have placed upon themselves, is certainly deserving of the highest praise, and appears in striking contrast with the selfish sectionalism of the old Piedmontese party. How GARIBALDI will act is as yet uncertain, while MAZZINI, it is true, has come out against the treaty, and denounced it as an acknowledgment of the superiority of France, and a base surrender of the inalienable rights of the nation. But MAZZINI is an enthusiast, seldom doing anything sensible. Nor yet has he been able to carry but a small number of what is called his party along with him. Even in Naples, the most discontented and radical portion of Italy, the greatest acts of patriotie self-denial have manifested themselves.

The Baron NICOTERA, who stands at the very head of all Italian radicalism, has set a most glorious example of disinterested patriotism. Not only did he come out in favor of the Convention, as the surest way of advancing Italian unity, but also, by embracing a favorable opportunity to utter a few sensible words at a critical moment, he was enabled to turn the course of Neapolitan feeling and to render the provisions of the Convention acceptable to a large class of the people. The words spoken by this patriotic man, not only a Neapolitan and a Garibaldian, but even a supporter of the Aspromonte blunder, are full of interest, as showing the moderate views held even by the radical party. Efforts were not wanting on the part of the male-contents to stir up in Naples a feeling adverse to the Convention, and it required just such a man to utter just such words as those made use of by the Baron NICOTERA. "You see here," said he, "men united, who yesterday would not salute one another, and to-day they have give each other the hand in the holy name of Italy, because a subject of the highest interest to Italy is under discussion. Naples by its plebiscite made Italy, and by its meeting this day gives an example of concord and union to all Italy. To the moderates I will say, we were not intractable; and to those of the party of action, this is good sense and it must continue. To the Bourbonists and the enemies of Italy, I will say look at our union and abandon your hopes. I will repeat the words of an illustrious general: When Vesuvius thunders Portici is in danger.' Citizens let us be united and temperate; leaving this place let us not make any demonstrations, nor utter any cries in the streets; let us disperse with diguity, and while discussing the programme let us confine ourselves to the question." The high position occupied by NICOTERA, and the absolute impossibility of supposing him wanting in patriotism and indifferent to Italian unity, gave great influence to what he said, and served to turn

the tide of feeling in Naples in favor of the Convention, even though compelled tosurrender her claim to be selected as the national capital. Naples, as admitted by most of the Italians, has a right to such a distinction, superior to any other city, with the single exception of Rome; yet is she willing for the sake of Italy to give up that right to Florence. Such an example of moderation is seldom witnessed, and those who practice it are worthy of the highest praise.

But while this unselfish spirit was manifesting itself in the South, what was the impression produced at the North? Some time ago the Gazette of Turin published an article in favor of the treaty, at the same time condoling with the Turinese on account of the consequent loss to their city of prestige and power. On the 21st September a procession of the people was formed, intended as a demonstration in opposition to the removal of the government. It proceeded to the office of the Gazette, which it mobbed, breaking the windows and committing other similar acts of violence. Some of the rioters were arrested by the police and put in confinement, and their flag was taken from them. This act of violence on the part of the people, displaying, as it did, their aversion to the Convention, was disgraceful enough, but it sank into comparative insignificance when compared with the acts of the municipality. The municipal council immediately ordered the release of the persons arrested, and the restoration of their flag. This was nothing more than a direct endorsement of their views, and a display, on the part of the authorities, of a feeling opposed to the treaty and in sympathy with the mob. As a natural consequence the liberated rioters became more noisy than ever, raved about the streets, got into a fight with the soldiers, and many lives were lost. It was of course well known, that the demonstration was started by the respectable class of bankers, lawyers, etc., and descended from them to the lower classes, who did the dirty work in the streets. On the 23d September, only two days after the riot, the municipal council of Turin showed still further their sympathy with it, by a formal protest in opposition to the French Convention. We do not object that the conservatives should be opposed to the Convention, if they consider it in opposition to the highest good of the nation; but we do object that they should be opposed to it on account of the interests of Piedmont.

But the old Piedmontese party have shown their aversion to the treaty if possible more plainly than the municipality of Turin. RATTAZZI and the men, who hold the power in that party, have zealously made use of that power against the Convention. They have exerted all their influence among the people, not to persuade them that the requirements of the treaty are detrimental to Italy, but to stir up a petty jealousy on account of the loss of the capital. The Marquis RICCI, one of the ministers under FARINI'S administration, published, in the Gazette del Popolo, a very able but mischevious letter. He attempted to show, that if the Convention proved successful, and the capital were moved to Florence, the incorporation of Piedmont into France was merely a question of time. "Let us fancy," said he, "a gentle and peaceful government established in Florence. From Sparta we are gone to Athens. But Piedmont suffers in honor, interests, and secular traditions. Piedmont will become Poland, Hungary, Ireland. After a time more or less long, it will be evident to men of tranquil politics, that since it is impossible to pacify Pied

a

mont for damages sustained, the best thing is to rid oneself of such a turbulent people, by handing them over to France. In short, the Savoy business and its 'mutual repulsion' will be repeated, with the difference that obtains between old reminiscences of supremacy and the passions that are fresh, vigorous, and exasperated by hatreds truly Italian." Such is the language of men who call themselves conservatives. It is the language of the men, who in reality regard the interests of their section or province as superior to their country's greatest good. While among the Neapolitan radicals we hear of nothing but an earnest desire for the good of Italy, the great question at the north seems to be: What will be most conducive to the interests of Piedmont? On the one side is the comprehensive consideration of country; on the other the petty jealousy which arises from sectional ambition. It is the same spirit which manifests itself in the crisis of every nation. It is the same thing whether it appears in the narrow sectionalism of Piedmont, or in the pernicious states rights doctrine, which led to the rebellion of the South. The principle is to talk loudly of country as long as the power is retained; but to turn when the good of the nation demands, that the power, so long held, be withdrawn. But while we give all honor to the "party of action," in that for their country's sake they are willing to waive or defer their long cherished hope of making Rome the capital of a united Italy, still we cannot but sympathize with the desire. To be sure there are reasons why Rome should not now be selected. If it were, how could the Papal question be settled? The Holy Father could not possibly reside elsewhere; nor could a spiritual and a temporal jurisdiction be maintained in peace within the same walls. Yet, although the giving up of Rome is a present necessity, we trust it will not always be so, for Italy ought not to be permanently ruled from any other than the Eternal City. Florence, indeed, possesses very many of the requisite qualifications. Its situation is central, its climate salubrious, and its very name is surrounded by a halo of associations upon which the mind loves to dwell. Yet the associations of Florence are different from those of Rome. Firenza la Bella presents to every mind a picture of peaceful, quiet beauty; while the very name of Rome is forever associated with all the stern realities of a great and powerful government. On the gently sloping banks of the rippling Arno is the proper place for the poet to muse on days gone by, and to clothe with all the beauties of immortal verse the hallowed memories of the past; while the bosterous, tumbling waves of Father Tiber, as he rushes by the capital, and under the massive arches of the Ponte St. Angelo, brings before us the stern eloquence of CICERO, and tells of noble deeds of patriotic valor. In Florence we expect to hear the gentle clicking of the sculptor's chisel, and to see its every wall adorned with beautiful works of art. Rome presents at once to the mind the harsh tramping sound of armed men, and there we would expect to see all the brilliant paraphernalia of war, and to find the center of a powerful nation. It is hard to think of Italy and not to think of Rome. Yet if it must be so let us be content to wait and hope that some future disturbance in European politics will bring about a time, when the Austrians will be driven from Venetia and the government will be placed upon the capitol, and the king of an entirely united Italy will hold his court in the seven hilled city, and bring back into modern times some of the hallowed memories of Imperial Rome.

INDUSTRY AND REVENUE OF SWITZERLAND.*

In 1850 a fiscal reform was effected in Switzerland. Previously to that date each of the cantons levied its own customs duties within its own circle of territory. In 1850 the Confederation centralised the entire collection of those duties in its own hands; but by article 29 of the constitution it was at the same time stipulated, that the free purchase and free sale of cattle and of ordinary wares and merchandise, their free entry, their free exit, and their free passage from canton to canton, should be guaranteed through the length and breadth of the Confederation. But from this freedom the following articles were excepted: The purchase and sale of salt and of gunpowder; the duties granted or conceded by the Diet, and which the Confederation did not suppress; and the duties on the consumption of wines and spiritous liquors, levied locally in each canton in the nature of excise. But by article 32 this power of excising li quors is subject to certain restrictions. The levy of these local duties is not allowed to be interfered with so as to burden transit, by any tax; if the articles are re-exported from any canton the duties paid on their entry into that canton are remitted, nor can any other charge be substituted in lieu of them. Products of Swiss origin are less heavily taxed than foreign products. The existing duties on the consumption of wines or spirituous liquors of Swiss origin cannot be increased by the cantons in which they are imposed, nor can they be levied at all where they were not levied previously to 1850. Such are the principal points of the federal constitution bearing upon the cantonal rights to levy excise duties, and such duties are levied, but with few exceptions, solely upon liquids.

Local fiscality varies in its amount and in its objects in different cantons, and it would be uninteresting to occupy space with such minute details, but we shall give a general result. "Eighteen cantons, numbering a popu lation of 1,775,335 souls, raise excise duties amounting to 2,502,387 francs 57 centimes; among these eighteen cantons eight raise in addition, by the sale of excise licenses, 167,775 francs; four cantons, numbering a population of 574,725 souls, raise by the sale of excise licenses (no excise dues being levied) the sum of 326,644 francs; and finally, one canton and two half cantons, with a population of 148,468 souls, enjoy the privilege of not knowing what an excise officer or an excise license is like." In some of the cantons these excise duties form a very important part of cantonal revenue. Wine and brandy are chiefly imported from France, the former article to the annual value of 20,000,000 francs- -a very large sum for so small a country as Switzerland-but numerous tourists in the summer months contribute greatly to the consumption.

The Swiss are well known as a laborious and frugal people, and among their industries the manufacture of cotton has made very respectable progress; but there are some circumstances in which it differs from our own, and these are of sufficient interest to deserve some notice. The Swiss

*See JENNY on Switzerland.