larger than it otherwise would have been, notwithstanding the superior increase of American vessels. The United States have entered into some twelve to thirteen treaties, besides the three which have been ratified during the last year, and referred to at the head of this article.

It is obvious from the sketch we had made of the progress of these treaties among commercial nations, that they grew out of a misunderstanding among nations of their true interests; and they are in fact but the means of removing gradually the obstacles and restriction that were imposed, through wrong impressions as to the nature of commerce. In former ages, when time was a matter of far less importance than now, to the success of a voyage; when profits on imported goods were large and prices steady; a slow-sailing, monopoly-supported ship was not so great an evil as at present, when a delay of a few days may not only disappoint profits, but involve in ruin the merchant. Closeness of calculation and promptness of execution are important elements in the success of mercantile operations. In such a state of affairs the qualities of the vessel, and the skill of the master, are elements of prosperity beyond what can be conferred by process of law; and this fact has become deeply impressed upon commercial men. It is obvious that the trade of a country, or international commerce, consists in the exchange of the products of labor; that the exchange does not take place in order to support ships, but that ships and rail-roads are but the means by which the exchange is effected. To compel goods to come and go in arbitrary channels and under onerous restrictions, in order to accommodate the means of transportation, is not to encourage the latter, but to smother the former.— The more abundant are the things to be exchanged, the greater is the demand for means of transportation. If a country, having large quantities to sell or to purchase for its own advantage, has inadequate means of transportation, it is clearly to its interest that, so far from imposing restrictions upon shipping, it should invite it from abroad, that its produce may be sold. The events of 1846, by bringing famine home to each nation, has compelled many of them to suspend their navigation laws altogether. In such a state of things, that nation best qualified for the business of navigation, will undoubtedly take the business. What is here set forth may be powerfully illustrated in the condition of the shipping business between the United States and the British West Indies. This trade, which had previously been restricted, is regulated under the authority of a proclamation issued by President Jackson in 1830, allowing British vessels to enter the United States from the Colonies, pursuant to a law of Congress which authorised him to do so, whenever he should receive satisfactory evidence that Great Britain would open her ports to the vessels of the United States. The British Government did this in relation to a number of enumerated ports called "free," to which United States ships were allowed to enter, and the United States ports were accordingly opened to British vessels. This arrangement has met with unmeasured abuse since its adoption. In 1842, a report of Daniel Webster's, then Secretary of State, contains the following passage:

"The gradual extinction of our direct trade with the British West Indies, at least in our own vessels, seems an inevitable result, from the present arrangement," &c. &c.

As a comment upon this paragraph, as well as upon the whole arrangement, it is worth while to take a table of the actual state of trade between the United States and the British West Indies, as it has progressed under the law:

IMPORTS AND EXPORTS, AND TONNAGE EMPLOYED BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND BRITISH WEST INDIES.

Imports...

.2,669.568..
8,370..

....534.778..
14,997.

162,335....6,194.... 545,657. ..280,824.... 555,953....277,725

Amer. Ves. For. Ves .4,221,598....693,185

13.147

19,327

6,194

275

When the report referred to was made, the figures for 1842 were in possession of the department, showing the facts to be the reverse from the statement which the report thought proper to make. Since then, the increase has been almost altogether on the side of American vessels; fully justifying that dependence on the people, which ever marked the policy of the late venerable Jackson. It was contended that British vessels, through the privileges they enjoyed, of visiting any port of the British Colonies, would inevitably drive out Americans, who were confined to certain ports. This was illustrated in and out of Congress, in the article of plaster of Paris.— It was asserted that this article was to be obtained by American vessels only at a port of entry nearest the place of its product while British vessels could ship it direct from the quarries; and that in consequence, the latter only can bring it. This was supposed to be unjust to American vessels; it has proved, however, only the ruin of the quarries; the owners of which, having the plaster to sell, were deprived of the competition of American vessels and new sources of supply, have stopped the importation altogether. The total tonnage of American vessels cleared to foreign countries, in 1830, was, it appears, 947,267 tons, of which 520,561 was to countries with which there are treaties.* In 1846, the tonnage cleared was 2,218,701, of which 1,598,102 was to the treaty countries, showing an increase of more than 200 per cent under treaties, while it was but 50 per cent to those nations with which there were no treaties. In the same time foreign tonnage entered increased from 138,890 tons to 959,739, or 868,000 tons; of this increase 511,000 tons was from British North American Colonies, leaving but 337,000 tons increase in the foreign tonnage of all other trades-that is to say, exclusive of the trade

TABLE SHOWING THE QUANTITY OF AMERICAN TONNAGEC LEARED FOR FOREIGN COUNTRIES IN THE YEARS 1816 AND 1830; ALSO THE FOREIGN TONNAGE ARRIVED IN CORRESPONDING YEARS, AND THE DATES OF EXISTING TREATIES.

with the British North American Colonies, american tonnage increased 900,000 tons, and foreign tonnage 337,000 tons. The exports of U. S. produce to treaty countries, in 1830, were $47,228,440, of which $39,034,397 went in American bottoms; and in 1846, the exports were $84,954,433, of which $61,544,040 went in American vessels. The foreign tonnage engaged in the British North American trade, has apparently increased immensely, but the returns are deceptive. The quantity of tonnage entered is greatly multiplied by the frequent passages of small vessels or boats on short voyages. The real state of the trade is indicated in the fact that the largest portion of the produce is shipped in United States vessels, which are a class superior to the British.*

The convention of 1822 with France is the next oldest treaty. By it each country supposed that it secured to its own flag certain advantages in their own ports, by imposing discriminating duties and higher tonnage charges on cargoes brought in the vessels of the other. By the terms of the treaty the discriminating duty was gradually done away with, but the tonnage duty levied on American vessels, 94 cents per ton measurement, is more than that imposed upon the vessels of other nations. In consequence of this the theory was that north of Europe vessels, which paid in France a lesser tonnage duty than American vessels, would take all the trade and deprive the United States vessels of the carrying. The report of Hon. Daniel Webster before alluded to states:

"All these vessels, having a similar advantage in the ports of the United States over French vessels, which pay 94 cents per ton, have monopolized a great share of the carrying trade from France to the United States."

As usual, however, the facts have not sustained the theory. The foreign tonnage arrived from France in 1846, was 12,116 tons, bringing $1,050,691 of goods; the United States tonnage arrived, was 134,679 bringing $22,860,701. Of the foreign tonnage arrived, 7,101 was French, leaving but 5000 tons of north of Europe shipping out of a total of 146,000, as the very inadequate results of what Mr. Webster stated, would be the consequence of the treaty. The trade between the United States and the French colonies is, under the royal ordinance of 1826, and the act of Congress of 1828, nearly all in American vessels. With the northern powers of Europe, the trade has not greatly increased, either in American or foreign vessels.__The most important being with the Hanse towns. The treaty with the Hanse atic cities, concluded by Mr. Clay in 1829, is perhaps one of the most liberal of the whole. The limited territories of the free Hanse towns afford no material for the building of vessels. It is true, that some vessels are built there from material purchased elsewhere, but the majority of the vessels owned in Hamburg and Bremen, are built in more advantageous localities. The treaty entered into, however, allowed all vessels owned in the Hanse towns, the privileges of American ships. The English convention with those cities specifies vessels built within their dominions. This circumstance has, connected with other privileges, given apparent advantage to German vessels.

What we have said in relation to the English navigation laws and their

TONNAGE AND EXPORTS CLEARED FROM UNITED STATES TO BRITISH NORTH AEERICAN

adverse influence upon British shipping interests, notwithstanding the strong prejudice in favor of government enactments, seems gradually to have forced itself upon the public mind in England, in spite of the natural anxiety of ship-owners to have their individual property made more secure through the action of government. At each successive relaxation of the ancient restrictions, the ship-owners did not fail to raise an outcry against what they supposed, would assuredly prove their ruin. The natural depreciation which ships, particularly old ones, has undergone in common with all other descriptions of property, was perseveringly attributed to the want of protection. Yet, in face of this alledged ruin, the British tonnage increased fifty per cent. in the last twenty years, and more rapidly with those countries with which reciprocal treaties existed, than with others. These truths have become so apparent as to lead to the appointment of a committee to inquire into the expediency of repealing the navigation laws. In moving for the appointment of this committee in Parliament, February 9, Mr. Ricardo remarked:

"Was there, then, any adequate motive of political expediency to justify this mischief and oppression? Why at the present time was our commercial marine INFERIOR TO THAT OF THE UNITED STATES? Some one would reply, because timber was dearer here. Was that a fact? He very much doubted whether, before a committee, the contrary could not be proved-at least as regarded oak and teak. Some one else would probably exclaim wages.' In our reports, however, shipbuilders were paid only 4s. 6d. 5s. per day; in London, where there was a combination against masters, they were paid only 6s. a day, whilst in the United States the average was two dollars, or nearly nine shillings a day."

This is a great admission on the part of a British statesman, as well as a high compliment to American seamen. The evidence since taken before the committee then appointed, tends to the same result, and answers Mr. Ricardo's question in a manner that, perhaps, even he did not anticipate. One of the witnesses, Mr. Berger, of the firm of McClean & Co., an eminent house engaged in the United States trade, stated as follows:

"He was frequently ordered by his correspondents not to ship goods in British vessels on any account, but to avoid them by all means, and to ship in American vessels. The principal reason which induced bis correspondence to ship in American vessels, was, that the passage was made more quickly. There was a difference in the rate of insurance. American vessels paid 1 per cent., while British paid 2 a 24. The men employed on board the American ships are a very active, superior sort of men. He did not wish to say anything disparaging, but the American ships made their passage shorter, on account of the better seamanship of the masters and mates. They had on more than one occasion been directed to send goods to the United States, but not by an English ship, because the English ship was always such a time discharging her cargo, although the British vessels had an advantage over the Americans in the number of hands employed."

These are features in the trade which were never contemplated by the law for protection of British shipping. It resolves itself into this-the law must either compel the commerce of the world to be satisfied with slow ships and unskilful seamen, or it must make people active and sagacious, by legislative enactment. It may make them noble, and confer special privileges, but men cannot be endowed with talents by act of Parliament. Mr. W. H. Goeschen, of the house of Fruehling & Goeschen, gave evidence as follows:

"It frequently happened that vessels were not to be had in Bremen, and hicorrespondents wrote to him to charter vessels here for the purpose. The num

ber of emigrants in the last year amounted to 30,000, which required shipping to the amount of 70,000 tons. He had orders at this moment to charter vessels.He chartered United States vessels and not British. The British captains did not make their calculations so nicely as the Americans, who were willing, as they had to go home, to take a CARGO OF EMIGRANTS at the low freight of 20 a 22s. per ton, if they did not thereby delay so long as to lose the chance of another return cargo to G. B. during the season. First class American captains, as well as their ves sels, were equal to any in the world, and so were first rate British ships, but the greater number of second rate English captains were not equal to Americans. He considered that the activity and superiority of management on the part of the Ameri can, enabled him successfully to compete with the Englishman. British vessels delivered their cargoes in a state much inferior to the American or Bremen vessels. The English ships were not so well attended to."

Here is a state of things clearly beyond the reach of law, and yet, the fact that British seamen are not so active and "calculating" as the Americans may be directly attributed to the navigation laws. It has ever resulted in

all nations, and all ages, from protective legislation, that those protected are less active, and less able to take care of themselves, than those who have depended only on their own resources. The fishing interest of the United States is an instance of this. They are the only class of citizens that have directly received bounties from the federal government, and they form the only branch of navigation that has not materially advanced in the last few years. Their own recent petition to Congress, and the showing of their advocates, demonstrate that they cannot exist without a continuance of bounty. Why? Because they have, like British shipmasters, not depended on themselves, and they lose their business because others are more active, and make better calculations.

The evidence of our own official returns, and that of the practical merchants before Parliament, show conclusively that the shipping interest of the United States wants only a fair field, and no favor.

All these treaties with the north of Europe are, however, immediately connected with one of the most remarkable phenomena of the age; we allude to the organization and progress of the German Customs Union. The Union itself is one of the greatest blessings, both to Germany and the commercial world; but the principles on which its external commerce is, or is sought to be, conducted, are disgraceful to the statesmen of Germany.

Confederated Germany consists of thirty-eight States or sovereignties, including Austria. These cover an area of 11,613 square geographical miles, and in 1838 had 37,770,434 inhabitants, or 20,000,000 more than the United States. The smallest of the German States has an area of 24 square miles; and the largest is Austria, 3,575 square miles. Each of these sovereignties was surrounded by custom houses, and each little potentate had his troop of custom house officers, whose business it was to interfere with all trade, and impose taxes on all traffic. In an area of 11,000 square miles the trader encountered 38 different sets of custom houses, with each its peculiar tariff and mode of levying it. The great avenues from the ocean up into the interior of Germany are the rivers Weser and Elbe. The former rising in the highlands of Southern Germany, flowing northerly 200 miles, through several States, is discharged into the North Sea. The Elbe rises in the Bohemian mountains, runs N. W. 720 miles to the sea, into which it falls at nearly the same point as the Weser. As these two rivers approach the ocean, they form an angle occupied by the Kingdom of Hanover, which has a population of near 2,000,000, and for near 200 years, down to Victoria, was an appendage of the English Crown. The Salic law operating in Hanover, caused the crown, at the death of William IV., to pass to his brother