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diameter was less than one seventh of an inch, and their depth considerable in proportion to their diameter; and that explosions could not be made to pass through such canals, or through very fine wire sieves, or wire gauze. The consideration of these facts led Sir Humphry to adopt a lamp, in which the flame, by being supplied with only a limited quantity of air, should produce such a quantity of azote and carbonic acid as to prevent the explosion of the fire-damp, and which, by the nature of its apertures for giving admittance and egress to the air, should be rendered incapable of communicating any explosion to the external air. These requisites were found to be afforded by air-tight lanterns, of various constructions, supplied with air from tubes or canals of small diameter, or from apertures covered with wire gauze, placed below the flame, through which explosions cannot be communicated; and having a chimney at the upper part, for carrying off the foul air. Sir Humphry soon afterwards found that a constant flame might be kept up from the explosive mixture issuing from the apertures of a wire-gauze sieve. He introduced a very small lamp in a cylinder, made of wire gauze, having six thousand four hundred apertures in the square inch. He closed all apertures except those of the gauze, and introduced the lamp, burning brightly within the cylinder, into a large jar, containing several quarts of the most explosive mixture of gas from the distillation of coal and air; the flame of the wick immediately disappeared, or rather was lost, for the whole of the interior of the cylinder became filled with a feeble but steady flame of a green colour, which burnt for some minutes, till it had entirely destroyed the explosive power of the atmosphere. This discovery led to a most important improvement in the lamp, divested the fire-damp of all its terrors, and applied its powers, formerly so destructive, to the production of an useful light. Some minor improvements, originating in Sir Humphry's researches into the nature of flame, were afterwards effected. Experiments of the most satisfactory nature were speedily made, and the invention was soon generally adopted. Some attempts were made to dispute the honour of this discovery with its author, but his claims were confirmed by the investigations of the first philosophers of the age. The coal owners of the Tyne and Wear evinced their sense of the benefits resulting from this invention, by presenting Sir Humphry with a service of plate worth two thousand pounds.

In 1813, Sir Humphry was elected a corresponding member of the Institute of France, and vice-president of the Royal Institution; in 1817 one of the eight associates of the Royal Academy; in 1818 created a baronet, and during the last ten years he has, been elected a member of most of the learned bodies of Europe. We regret that our limits preclude us from entering into the in

teresting details of Sir Humphry's travels in different parts of Europe for scientific purposes, particularly to investigate the causes of volcanic phenomena, to instruct the miners of the coal districts in the application of his safety-lamp, and to examine the state of the Herculanean manuscripts, and the remains of the chemical arts of the ancients. He analyzed the colours used in painting by the ancient Greek and Roman artists. His experiments were chiefly made on the paintings in the baths of Titus, the ruins called the baths of Livia, and in the remains of other palaces and baths of ancient Rome, and the ruins of Pompeii. By the kindness of his friend Canova, who is charged with the care of the works connected with ancient art in Rome, he was enabled to select with his own hand specimens of the different pigments, that had been found in vases discovered in the excavations, which had then been lately made beneath the ruins of the palace of Titus, and to compare them with the colours fixed on the walls, or detached in fragments of stucco. His delicacy in selecting only minute portions of the colour, and from places where the loss was imperceptible, was so much approved, that Signor Nelli, proprietor of the celebrated Nozze Aldobrandini, liberally permitted him to make similar experiments on the colours employed in that valuable antique painting. The results of these researches were published in the Transactions of the Royal Society for 1815, and are highly interesting. The concluding observations, in which he impresses on artists the superior importance of permanency to brilliancy in the colours. used in painting, are particularly judicious, aud worthy of atten

tion.

Towards the end of 1818, and in the beginning of 1819, he examined at Naples the Herculanean manuscripts, and soon declared his opinion, that they had not been acted upon by fire so as to be completely carbonized, but that their leaves were cemented together by a substance formed during the fermentation, and chemical change produced in a long course of years. He invented a composition for the dissolution of this substance, but could not discover more than from 80 to 100 out of 1265 manuscripts, which presented any probability of success.

On his return to England in 1820, his respected friend, the late worthy professor of the Royal Society died. Many discussions took place amongst the members respecting a proper successor. Several individuals of high, and even very exalted rank, were named as candidates; but the scientific part of the society justly considered this honour, the highest that a scientific man can attain in Britain, not as a proper appendage to mere rank and fortune, but as a reward for scientific merit. Amongst the philosophers whose labours have enriched the Transactions of the Royal Society, two were most generally adverted to, Sir

Humphry Davy and Dr. Wollaston; but Dr. Wollaston, whose modesty is only cqualled by his profound knowledge and extraordinary sagacity, declined being a candidate after his friend had been nominated, and received from the council of the society the unanimous compliment of being placed in the chair of the Royal Society, till the election by the body in November. A trifling opposition was made to Sir Humphry Davy's election, by some unknown persons, who proposed Lord Colchester; but Sir Humphry was placed in the chair by a majority of nearly 200 to 13. For this honour no man could be more completely qualified. Sir Humphry is perfectly independent, and in circumstances, which enable him to support his office with dignity. He is acquainted with foreign languages, and extensively connected with foreign men of science. He possesses that general knowledge necessary for justly estimating all the different branches of science, and his reputation, in his own particular pursuits, is such as to place him above all jealousy.

The first president of the Royal Society, Lord Brownlow, was a professed mathematician; Sir Christopher Wren was a mathematician, a natural philosopher, and an architect: of Newton, the glory of his country and human nature, it would be difficult to say what he was not; but the strength of his genius was applied to natural philosophy. Sir Hans Sloane and Sir Joseph Banks were general benefactors to science, but their own pursuits were in natural history. Chemistry may be considered as the science of this age, and it is but fair that it should have a representative among the presidents of the Royal Society; nor can it be doubted that the dignity thus conferred on the science, in the person of its ablest professor, will have a beneficial effect in stimulating the researches of other philosophers in this most important branch of knowledge. There is ample scope for the most extensive genius and the most indefatigable labours, which will never fail of obtaining their reward, though they may not succeed so entirely or so rapidly as the exertions of Sir Humphry Davy. Few of those whose fame and fortune are their own creation, enjoy like him, in the meridian of life, the enviable consciousness of general esteem and respect, and the certainty of a distinguished place in history, among the illustrious names of their country.

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THE

NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.

HISTORICAL REGISTER.

POLITICAL EVENTS.-JAN. 1, 1821.

GREAT BRITAIN.

THE great object of general attention, the "Bill of Pains and Penalties," being thrown out of the House of Lords, the high excitement of public feeling which prevailed during the uncertain state of that measure, naturally began to subside. It has been followed by few circumstances of interest under the head of domestic events. The unexpected prorogation of parliament, and the refusal of his Majesty, through the Earl of Liverpool, to assign one of the royal palaces as a place of residence for the Queen, were the last acts of Government in the drama which had so long engaged the public attention. Lord Liverpool, in conveying to her Majesty the King's refusal, stated also that until parliament should meet for the dispatch of business, the allowance which she had till then enjoyed, would be continued to her, and that when parliament met, it would determine the amount of the provision to be made for her in future. After this communication from the noble lord, the following letter from the Hon. Keppel Craven was forwarded as her Majesty's reply; the receipt of which Lord Liverpool acknowledged, but he also stated at the same time, that he had not received his Majesty's commands upon it.

VOL. III. NO. I.

"Brandenburgh House, Nov. 18. "My Lord, I have been honoured by her Majesty's commands to acknowledge the receipt of your lordship's letter of yesterday, and to state that her Majesty cannot for a moment misunderstand its real purport.

"The Queen perceives that the King's ministers have resolved to prevent parliament from assembling for the dispatch of business at the time to which both Houses had adjourned. The justice and wisdom of the legislature would at that period, beyond all doubt, have restored her to the full enjoyment of those rights which the constitution has vested in the Queen-Consort. The ministers plainly shew that such is their belief, and they are determined, for some purposes of their own, to delay the redress to which she is entitled.

"In a measure thus alike contemptuous towards parliament and the nation, the Queen perceives a still deeper design. It is impossible to doubt that the authors of the late Bill have formed the project of trying in some other shape their baffled scheme of degrading her Majesty, and ruining the best interests of the august family to which she belongs. Defeated in their first attempt-disgraced in the eyes of the people-consigned

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to the contempt of all Europedeserted by the most rational and respected of their own adherentsthey meditate a new attack on the honour of the Queen. Their speculation must be founded on the hope that the public sentiment, so loudly and universally expressed, will at length be wearied and exhausted, and that the Queen herself will no longer have patience to resist such cruel and endless persecutions. But her Majesty owes it to the British nation to declare, that she has the firmest reliance upon their support as long as she is the victim of oppression; and to herself she deems it due to add, that no harassing treatment on the part of the King's ministers will ever shake the duty she owes to this generous people. She has also the strongest conviction that the King's highest interests are at the present moment as much betrayed as those of the State, by the evil counsellors who are now once more plotting her destruction.

"To the offer of money with which Lord Liverpool has thought proper to accompany his notice of the intended prorogation of parliament, her Majesty has no answer to give but a direct refusal. Nearly ten months have elapsed since his late Majesty's death, and no parliamentary provision has been yet proposed for her. As long as the Bill was pending, the Queen saw the propriety of accepting the advances made for her accommodation; but she will not accept as a favour from the ministers, what a due regard for the honour of the Crown would induce parliament to grant as a right; and she is still more averse to impose upon the people the unnecessary burden of finding a palace for her, when the national munificence has already

provided royal residences for all the Princesses who fill her exalted station.

"The Queen expressly commands me to add, that her Majesty, as well as the King and the country, have reason deeply to regret that the persons who have involved all those parties in their present unhappy difficulties, should still have influence to prevent that adjustment of differences which the Queen regards as essential to their common interests. Her Majesty has never entertained a doubt that the King, if left to the guidance of his own sound judgment and honourable feelings, would at once listen to the Queen's claims upon his justice, and to the united prayers of his loyal people.

"I have, &c. &c.

"R. KEPPEL CRAVEN." Soon after the foregoing event, the Queen gave notice to the Lord Mayor, that she wished to attend divine service at St. Paul's, on Wednesday the 29th of November, to return thanks to God for her escape from the charges brought against her during the late proceedings. The Lord Mayor communicated her Majesty's wish to the Common Council, which was assembled to consider the propriety of voting to her an address of congratulation, in consequence of the rejection of the Bill. Notwithstanding an amendment expressive of regret at her Majesty's determination, moved by an Alderman present, it was decided by a majority of 119 out of 153 members, that it was the duty of the City to pay her due honour. The motion for an address of congratulation was then put and carried. On the day appointed, her Majesty left Brandenburgh-house for St. Paul's, escorted by a numerous cavalcade

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