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W

74 The Month.

The Grievance of 1864.

many

E do not live in a time of grievances, commonly so called. This is a principal reason why nobody cares now for Reform of Parliament. English people, being in the main a sensible and practical people, judge of government by its fruits; and if they find that they have not much to complain of, think that time spent upon discussing the relative values of degrees of franchise, and methods of administration,

is so much time wasted.

up

to be worth anything, must be based and built upon the principle of preserving unimpaired, and in the enjoyment of all its constitutional rights and privileges, the National Church, and of promoting it among the people. If you want to test the value of Conservative professions, the only reliable test is what is being done towards such preservation and promotion. Other questions-political, social, economical, financial-supply now no appreciable limit between Conservatism and Liberalism. The one question of the National Church remains a distinct line of demarcation, and always must remain, so When a general election is getting near, people long as England remains. The inherent force and begin to look up their grievances. It does not do vitality of this question is seen in nothing so much to be without at least one good grievance. People as in the fact of Roman Catholic liberalism. It is in this condition cut no figure upon the hustings. contrary to the proper nature of a Roman Catholic It is this, with some other little matters which we to be "liberal;" but he is commonly a "Liberal" do not touch here, that is making "Liberal" people in the United Kingdom because of the National rather uneasy at the prospects of the coming Church. Then as to party. The time is fully election. They have no grievance left. For many come for the revival of party. There has been an elections past they have had a long bill to present; outcry against it lately, very easy to be accounted but the items have either been paid, or found to for, as if it were necessarily a bad thing. This is have been wrongly charged. The account therefore, absurd. Party is bad when it represents only shifting though really in a most satisfactory state, is begin-principles. It is good when it represents a fixed ning, qua the hustings, to look very seriously unpleasant.

principle; and without party such as this, no country can be well governed. It is the great hope and strength of Conservatism that it represents the most fixed of all principles-the principle of preserving the National Church.

Conservative prospects are more promising. Conservatives have at least one good grievance. Indeed, the tables have been turned in Parliament for some time past, and the general account of the A "Conservative" elector voting for a "Liberal" position is, that it is not now those who claim to be candidate calls himself by a name to which he has admitted to privileges who are able any longer to no right. The Conservative electors of Exeter have complain that they are shut out. It is those who seen this, and have made an excellent beginning, have possessed privileges time out of mind, as part which they will take good care to complete for their and parcel of their constitutional position, who find future security. Of all classes of candidates, having that they are being robbed. It is not a question no intelligible title, upon any public ground, to the any longer about opening up and making easy of confidence of an English constituency, the class access to all citizens the old institutions of the represented by Mr. Coleridge has an unhappy precountry, but about preserving these at all in any eminence. The "Liberal" and the no Liberal; the recognisable shape. Now to conservatize is to pre"Conservative" and the no Conservative. serve our old institutions unimpaired; and especially, man with the black and white flag. On the black and above all, the National Church; because it is side of the flag all that destroys; on the white side upon the safety and the integrity of the National of the flag all that conserves. The veritable poliChurch that the safety and the integrity of all our tical Monstrum of the West. The man who wants other institutions depend. Conservatism, therefore, | a "broad Church" to please the Exeter mob. What

The

D

itself.

does Mr. Coleridge mean by a "broad Church?" this the Committee of Council does not concern He has not said; but we know very well what he means. And we know this too-that the Church of England is as "broad" as she may be without ceasing to be Catholic. But Mr. Coleridge wants something "broader" still. "broader" still. We shall do our small endeavour to provide that this be not forgotten the next time Mr. Coleridge tries to make his way into Parliament.

Wherefore it remains that the only conscience with which the Committee of Council does concern itself is the Dissenting conscience. 2.E.D. Is it upon the rule of the corpus vile that the National Church has been selected by the Committee of Council for this experiment? It is these attempts to subordinate the principles and the position of the National Church to a loose and latitudinarian policy ; and, much more, it is the giving way to, and, most of all, it is the being a party to, any such attempts, which is the real danger of the Church of England, and the real advantage of the Church of Rome.

The general preservation of the National Church is compounded of many particulars. At one time it is one particular that is the subject of assault, at another time it is another. The particular Conservative grievance of the present time is, the attempt on the part of the Committee of Council on "Education" to force upon the Church of England what, by a curious infelicity of expression, goes by the name of "the Conscience clause." The Council Office people doubtless do not think well of Church people; but it is going great lengths of ill opinion to treat them as if they had absolutely no conscience. For the expression "Conscience clause" has no meaning except upon the supposition that conscience is found only in people who are not Church people. Or it may be put in this way. The Council Office says, If Churchmen resist the imposition of a "Conscience clause," upon the ground that it is a grievance to their conscience, we really cannot be troubled with any considerations about their conscience. The only conscience we have to consider and respect is the Dissenting conscience. Now, the good or ill opinion of the Council Office is in itself a matter of indifference; but when either issues in inequitable adminis-servative party, that the position be thoroughly tration it acquires an importance.

The published correspondence between Mr. Fagan, the secretary of the Diocesan Board of Education, diocese of Bath and Wells, and Mr. Lingen, the secretary of the Committee of Council on "Education," places this matter in the clearest light. In that correspondence the Committee of Council instruct their secretary to affirm that it is an injustice (i. e., an injury to conscience) to the Wesleyans and Baptists, actual or possible, of a given place, not to give them in perpetuity the right of admittance for their children, being Wesleyans and Baptists, and not Church children, into the National School of the place, with the claim in perpetuity to a share in the services of the Church schoolmaster.

Whether it be not an injury to the conscience of the Church schoolmaster to be thus made in perpetuity the agent of "secular instruction," instead of "religious education," for "religious education" it cannot be in the case supposed-with this the Committee of Council does not concern itself.

Whether again it be not an injury to the conscience of the clergyman and others, managers of the Church school, to have the school thus made in perpetuity a place of "secular instruction" instead of religious education,"-with this the Committee of Council does not concern itself.

Whether again it be not to "hurt the weak conscience" of the Church children thus to force upon them in perpetuity the daily application of the principle of indifference to religious Truth,-with

We hope that Conservatives are not going to the election without understanding what is the exact amount of this grievance. They can make no greater mistake than to pooh-pooh it. There may not be many who have as yet had personal experience of it, but all should understand this,--that if the attempt be allowed to succeed, the life of that which is the one thing in England upon which it is possible to build up the Conservative party, cannot ultimately be preserved that is to say, the life of the National Church of England cannot ultimately be preserved. A principle will have been established which poisons the sources of that life, and is illimitable in its operation. It is true that the effect of the poison would not be felt all at once. The action of it is in itself slow, and there are counteracting causes which must make it slower; but it is not for that the less sure. It is, therefore, of the utmost consequence to the usefulness, and indeed to the existence, of the Con

understood and acted upon; and that the pressure of the grievance be not got rid of upon mere surface considerations; lest, after all efforts made to build up the Conservative party, there be no result but disappointment, and disunion, and defeat. Let us try and help a little to the understanding and the action.

England has a National Church, a true and living branch of the Church Catholic. The education of the great majority of Church people, next to home, begins and goes on in the National Schools. There the children of the Church are taught and instructed in The Truth of GOD, as revealed in The Word of GOD, comprehended in the Creeds, and expounded in the Prayer-book and Articles. It is the inheritance and the faithful transmission of The Truth of GOD, as it has been received, which makes the National Church of England to be what it is, a true and living branch of the Church Catholic; and it is the conservation of the National Church which is the primary principle of Conservatism.

The Committee of Council on "Education"—not unnaturally, having regard to its parentage-does not recognise and accept the nature and position of the National Church. It may possibly understand both; but it does not accept either the one or the other. In the outset of its career, some thirty-five years ago, it professed to do so; but even then there were clear indications of what was coming; and at the present time any such profession would be only ridiculous. What the Committee of Council intends by "the National Church" is a very different thing indeed from