SELECTIONS FROM THE FOND DU LAC WHIG ORGANIZATION OF THE CONVENTION [October 21, 1847] No news yet from Madison. In our next we shall give a sketch of the proceedings of the legislature and hope to be able to record the act calling a new convention. There are indications of a desire, as we intimated last week, to patch up the old constitution and present that; but we think we can safely say it would be entirely at variance with the wishes of the whole community so far as we have the means of knowing. Believing that there will be no such action by the legislature, we trust that in apportioning the representation there will be a sacred regard manifested for the interest of the new counties and that a spirit of liberality will pervade that body in laying the basis of representation. To adopt the last census would be very great injustice to the new counties; yet it may be urged with some propriety that it is the only one on which a legitimate apportionment may be made. But we think that unless it can be ascertained authentically what is the present population of the counties, the vote upon the constitution might be taken as a basis; this would not be unjust and perhaps might be a very correct ratio upon which an apportionment might be made. At all events we trust the legislature will see the impropriety of adopting the last census. Again, the convention should not be small-at any rate not so small as to leave any county or interest unrepresented. In adopting an organic law all citizens have a right to be represented, not theoretically simply, but actually, in so far at least as that his interests shall have an advocate and defender, one who will understand when a proposition is brought forward whether his rights and privileges are to be infringed should it be adopted. There can be no democracy in a small convention; or rather, there can be no aristocracy in a large one. A few men may be corrupted, led away by false lights by the corrupting agents of aristocracy; but in a large body of men where the people themselves get together there is no danger that they will not attend to their own interests; and when the people are cared for and protected the country is always safe. AN APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE [November 4, 1847] The coming convention will awaken discussion of constitutional principles; and we trust that it will not be left to the members of the convention to do all the talking on this subject. It is peculiarly the business of the people to begin the discussion in primary meetings, that their representatives may be ready to listen to their conclusions and opinions when presented to them in their petitions. More than all, however, discussion should be promoted, that the people themselves may understand the nature of the government and laws under which they are to live and which will best conduce to the happiness and best interest of the people. Since papers are already beginning to present their notions of the peculiar principles they would have incorporated into the constitution and especially those which favor the peculiarly obnoxious features of the rejected one, once for all we think a question settled should not be disturbed-bygones should be bygones. Where a principle has been fully discussed and distinctly passed upon, there need be no further discussion. For example, it is folly to begin to advocate restrictions upon the people to grant corporative powers that have been settled already. It is proper also to warn the people against new heresies which are already beginning to be cast into the political cauldron. There is a set of daring politicians who have come to this territory and cast off their political faith like serpents shedding their skins, who to carry their points will be less scrupulous of the means to be employed than they were in their first infamy. Of such men beware. Let the first inquiry of your candidate be: Do you maintain your former faith? If not, why have you changed your opinion? And if he is unable to answer fairly and fearlessly let him be discarded, be he friend or foe. Certain self-styled Democrats in particular who have fattened upon the spoils of office left their eastern homes with good Whig recommendations in their pockets, and have had the hardihood to present them here, and after all change front simply because they hoped to get into office thereby; others have changed by the way and upon landing on your shores have lifted up "Democratic" hands for the first time and are now lisping the praises of those whom in their hearts they heartily despise, licking the sceptered hand that they may be fed. Look well to your candidates, if you would have a good constitution! CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES [November 11, 1847] We took occasion to remark a week or two since upon the propriety of discussion by the people in neighborhood gatherings of those principles and features they would have embodied in the new constitution to be formed by our convention. We cannot say with too great earnestness the importance of this matter and must be permitted to call attention again to the subject. We took occasion also to remark that it would be necessary to guard against heresies of doctrine, so to speak; and we find that we were just in time. The Fond du Lac Journal has already opened its guns upon the "credit system," that which has done more for this country than— we had almost said all things else combined. Without the benefit of the credit system, what would the poor man do? Often it is his only hope in misfortune for the necessaries of life and health; yet at all times his capital, as good to him as the rich man's gold. It is a bold stand for a paper in this country to oppose the credit system. By destroying it, you reduce everything to a hard-money standard. By the credit system more than half the citizens of this country, we presume, have been enabled to obtain their farms. The right of preëmption is based upon the credit system; and when the poor man goes on to his forty or eighty by preëmption he is "credited" -trusted-by the government for a year; and when the Journal opposes this system it opposes the right of preëmption-it denies the right to get a pound of tea, or an overcoat, or anything the most necessary, unless we have the good fortune to have the gold in our pockets to pay. So you must always have the means to pay the physician in advance or lie on your bed till you can earn enough to send for him. This is an extreme case, it is true; but after all if the right to get trusted is denied, this extreme result must follow. The Journal says, "Those who live by the operations of the credit system will oppose the exemption of the poor man's homestead from execution and thus leave innocent families the victims of misfortune and rapacious creditors." Were that paper's principles to be carried out and the credit system to be abolished, the "poor man" would have no "homestead" to exempt, for it is by the credit system the "poor man" obtains his "homestead." If the candidates of the Journal for delegate to the convention entertain like views with that printed, the people and especially the poor men of this county will do well to look to the matter and support such men as are not hostile to their interests. SELECTIONS FROM THE LANCASTER WHAT NOW? [April 17, 1847] The constitution being rejected by the people, the governor will immediately call a session of the legislature. That body well understands that the people desire a small, select convention. The people of the west would like to have no more members in the convention than compose the Council of the territory. At the very extent, there ought to be no greater number of delegates than there are members of the house of representatives. Upon this basis no new apportionment will be necessary; and the legislature can provide for a new convention in one week. With the exception of restoring to Wisconsin the boundaries given to her by the act of Congress, there seems to be little or nothing for a new convention to do but to expunge those parts of the constitution which have met with condemnation so general-to lop off the innovations and rid it of all its "progressive" features. Give us a judiciary elected by the legislature. That is safe. Let us hold fast to what is well tried. Limit the size of the legislature to forty members of the house and twenty members of the senate. That is safe and economical. Repeal all those provisions about married women; and the exemption laws-leave exemption to the legislature, to whom it belongs. Prevent the charter of incorporated banks if you will, but away with the sixth section. Remember that the people through the legislature retain the powers not taken away by the constitution. Do not tie the hands of legislation. Give us a short lucid constitution, containing rather too few than too many provisions-make it soon and make it permanent, and the people will be satisfied with it. SHALL WE PREPARE FOR FRAMING ANOTHER CONSTITUTION? [May 29, 1847] So far as we can learn the sentiments of the people of Grant on this subject, we are of opinion that nobody cares much about it. The folks here are very well content to let the matter rest until the meeting of the legislature. There is no stir about it-there are no |