ment, we regard it as our privilege and duty to express our views upon the subjects embraced therein. Therefore

Resolved, That in the prohibition of any portion of our free-born citizens from exercising the elective franchise we recognize a principle adverse to the dearest rights of man, in direct violation of the spirit of all free institutions, and which in this day of progression and reform should meet with a signal and effectual rebuke from the people.

Resolved, That while we would approve of the organization of a separate supreme court, we would express our decided disapprobation to the odious system embodied in the seventh article, entitled "Judiciary"; and to ensure to every person his or her rights in law and equity we must insist that the supreme court shall not in any manner be identified with the courts below; and in compromitting this principle we hazard one of the dearest rights of a free people.

Resolved, That in our opinion the sale of any portion of the school lands is fraught with the greatest evil and ere long will prove detrimental to the best interests of ourselves and our posterity. Facts have almost invariably demonstrated that when any portion of the people's money is placed in the hands of agents with a view to the accumulation of interest thereon, they have not only been. disappointed in its accumulation but robbed of the principal.

Resolved, That in appropriating any portion of the school fund to the support of academies we are departing widely from that philanthropic principle which should ever stimulate us in our efforts to elevate common schools; and the tendency will be to nourish aristocracy and engender a deep and abiding feeling of hostility in community towards these institutions.

Resolved, That while we would not deprecate the institution of academies in our midst, we must protest against the appropriation of any portion of the school fund to their use, believing that all such efforts should be sustained by individual aid.

Resolved, That we are in favor of a homestead exemption to be incorporated in the constitution, and that our delegates in convention in rejecting the same and refusing to submit that question to the people for their decision have failed to secure the unfortunate debtor from the iron grasp of the merciless creditor, and have given us the strongest proofs of their opposition to the natural rights of man to some portion of our common heritage.

Resolved, That we deem the errors in the constitution now before us so very palpable and so decidedly averse to our future pros

perity as to demand at the hands of the people its unanimous rejection, and that we will use all honorable means to secure its defeat.

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and transmitted to the press for publication.

NATHANIEL DICKINSON, Chairman
GEORGE JONES, Secretary

MERITS AND DEMERITS OF THE CONSTITUTION

[February 18, 1848]

We expressed the opinion in our last that the constitution would meet with but little if any opposition, and would beyond question be accepted by the people. Since then we have had evidence that there is not the unanimity on the subject we supposed. The communication of "Anti-Wrong," on the outside of our paper, comes from a gentleman of influence, who no doubt speaks the sentiments of many. There will also be found, in another column, the proceedings of a mass meeting of citizens of Burlington in opposition-and this is but the beginning. What may follow we know not, of course. We think, however, the constitution will be accepted, not because it is unobjectionable, but because there is a great desire to enter the Union, and because but little hope will be entertained of getting one any less objectionable than this.

That there is good reason for complaint no opponent of the constitution is any better aware than ourselves. The broad declarations in the bill of rights that "all men are born free and equal," that "government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed," etc., contrasted with the action of the convention in refusing suffrage to a portion of our people, are rank inconsistency, if nothing worse. But it must be recollected that so far as the convention could have any knowledge of the wishes of the people, they acted in accordance with those wishes and are therefore not censurable. The main error in regard to this matter is with the people. If we could hope for a different result in the formation of another constitution immediately, we should oppose the one now presented, on this ground; but by the time the people are willing to adopt the just principle of free suffrage, we may have adopted and worn out this constitution and may be ready for a new one. Besides, the

legislature is authorized, when there is evidence that the people desire it, to extend suffrage to all; and in view of the late expression of the people on this subject, we know not how more could reasonably be asked of a convention which desired to frame a constitution in accordance with the popular wish.

As to the constitution of the judiciary, taxing suits, etc., differences of opinion will of course exist, and some would be disappointed, however this might be framed. Experience alone will correct the errors which may be found to exist. The objections of our "Anti-Wrong" friend are forcibly urged and will attract attention. The objection stated by the Burlington meeting we deem less important. Whether the supreme court should or should not have an entirely independent organization is a question, the decision of which in convention turned as much upon expense as upon any other consideration. For the first five years only is that court required to be constituted of the circuit judges. At the expiration of this time the legislature is authorized to provide for a separate supreme court organization; and it will be done, if the people require it. We see nothing objectionable here.

The article on education may be liable to the objections urged against it. In regard to the impropriety of making provision at the common expense for the establishment of select schools or academies the sentiment of our Burlington friends does not differ from ours. As respects the sale of the school lands and the use of the funds, the results apprehended can best be avoided by watchfulness on the part of the people and care in the selection of their agents. Let honest and judicious men be selected to manage these matters, and no fears need be entertained as to results.

Our views in regard to exemptions in the constitution are known. We yield to no man in our desire for the enactment of liberal exemptions, but we have as yet seen no good reason urged why they should be specifically provided for in the constitution, in preference to being left to legislative action. There is a difference of opinion as to the wishes of the people on the subject; but it cannot be denied that there are good grounds for supposing, in view of the vote on the late constitution, that the people did not desire provisions of the kind embodied in that instrument. In view of this fact we think it would have been hazardous to engraft this feature on this constitution. By leaving the matter open to future action they have done all that could reasonably be asked-so at least it

strikes us and we call upon all friends of exemption to unite in securing at the hands of the legislature what they desired at the hands of the convention.

We do not sustain the constitution because it meets our views in every particular, but because we think it quite as good as can now be hoped for. Experience and progress will enable us to overcome and eradicate its errors; and in the meantime we shall enjoy the advantages to be derived from state government.

SELECTIONS FROM THE WATERTOWN
ROCK RIVER PILOT

A DEMOCRATIC APPRAISAL OF THE SITUATION

[November 3, 1847]

We publish today the law of the late special session in relation to the formation of a state government in Wisconsin; and as the subject involves the most important interests of our people, it may not be amiss in us at this time to reflect somewhat upon the course which the Democratic party should pursue to ensure success in the approaching political contest, and to give our views of the principles which should be incorporated into the new constitution.

But a few days will elapse before the party nominations will be made; and on the twenty-ninth of the present month they will be called upon to discharge an important duty-the election of delegates who are to frame for Wisconsin a state constitution, the political character of which will be determined in the choice of delegates. And as the spirit of the constitution will be experienced in the laws and influence the character of our state institutions, it should be the desire of every Democrat to see incorporated into it the fundamental principles of the party, to insure which requires the most guarded selection of candidates as well as the most united support of the party at the polls. The first care of the party should be to introduce into its primary meetings a spirit of harmony and concession, for without it the labors of the party will be futile and its dearest principles lost sight of in personal dissensions. The doors should be thrown wide open, and every Democrat be invited to assist in advancing the cause of Democracy, which, as it professes equality and justice to all men, should receive from the whole party a hearty support; and each member should feel the importance of individual influence in harmonizing and strengthening the party through which alone its principles will be established.

The differences of opinion which the late constitutional controversy excited should now cease to exist, and the whole party be again united in its strength in support of first principles. That there should be differences of opinion, even among Democrats, as to what should be embraced in a constitution and to what extent ultra party principles should be incorporated, is expected; but it does not