upon me, that I am ready to tax Providence for the loss of that heroick son: three nations had a general concernment in his death, but I had one so very particular, that all my hopes are almost dead with him; and I have lost so much, that I

with the Dutch, and the joining with France; he was not the author of that most excellent position-delenda est Carthago, that Holland, a protestant country, should, contrary to the true interest of England, be totally destroyed. I beg your Lordships will be so just as to judge of my father, and of all men, according to their actions and counsels."

One of the great uses of History is, that it furnishes us with examples by which we may form a tolerably correct judgment of the present, and almost of the future, by the past. Thus we learn, that whenever the zealots of innovation in this country have had any great object in view, Ireland has been always found a most commodious instrument to work with, here: and it appears from the foregoing passages, that our Reformers of the present day, in the use they have made of this instrument since the fatal era of the French Revolution, have only followed the plan marked out for them by Shaftesbury in his invective against that great and good man, the first Duke of Ormond: nor was that wily statesman the original deviser of this mischievous policy, for his former associate Cromwell, and his co-adjutors, had very successfully employed the same engine in a preceding period.-See the History of England during the latter years of Charles the First; Carte's Life of James, Duke of Ormond, vol. ii. p. 491-494; and the political history of Great Britain and Ireland from 1792 to the present time, passim.

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am past the danger of a second shipwreck. But he sleeps with an unenvied commendation; and has left your Grace the sad legacy of all those glories which he derived from you: an accession which you wanted not, who were so rich before in your own virtues, and that high reputation which is the product of them.

A long descent of noble ancestors was not necessary to have made you great; but heaven threw it in as overplus when you were born.. What you have done and suffered for two royal masters has been enough to render you illustrious; so that you may safely wave the nobility of your birth, and rely on your actions for your fame. You have cancelled the debt which you owed to your progenitors, and reflect more brightness on their memory than you received from them.

Your native country, which Providence gave you not leave to preserve under one King, it has given you opportunity under another to restore. You could not save it from the chastisement which was due to its rebellion, but you raised it from ruin after its repentance; so that the trophies of war were the portion of the conqueror, but the triumphs of peace were reserved for the vanquished. The misfortunes of Ireland were owing to itself, but its happiness and restoration to your Grace. The rebellion against a lawful prince was punished by an usurping tyrant, but the fruits of his victory were the rewards of a loyal subject.

How much that noble kingdom has flourished under your Grace's government, both the inhabitants and the crown are sensible: the riches of Ireland are increased by it, and the revenues of England are augmented. That which was a charge and burden of the government, is rendered an advantage and support; the trade and interest of both countries are united in a mutual benefit; they conspire to make each other happy; the dependance of the one is an improvement of its commerce, the pre-eminence of the other is not impaired by the intercourse; and common necessities are supplied by both. Ireland is no more a scion, to suck the nourishment from the mother tree; neither is it overtopped, or hindered from growth by the superiour branches; but the roots of England diving, if I may dare to say it, underneath the seas, rise at a just distance on the neighbouring shore, and there shoot up, and bear a product scarce inferiour to the trunk from whence they sprung.

I may raise the commendation higher, and yet not fear to offend the truth; Ireland is a better penitent than England. The crime of rebellion was common to both countries, but the repentance of one island has been steady; that of the other, to its shame, has suffered a relapse; which shews the conversions of their rebels to have been real, that of ours to have been but counterfeit. The sons of guilty fathers there have made amends for the disloyalty of their families; but here the de

scendants of pardoned rebels have only waited their time to copy the wickedness of their parents, and if possible, to outdo it. They disdain to hold their patrimonies by acts of grace and of indemnity; and by maintaining their old treasonable principles, make it apparent that they are still speculative traitors; for whether they are zealous sectaries, or prophane republicans, (of which two sorts they are principally composed,) both our reformers of church and state pretend to a power superiour to kingship. The fanaticks derive their authority from the Bible, and plead religion to be antecedent to any secular obligation; by virtue of which argument, taking it for granted that their own worship is only true, they arrogate to themselves the right of disposing the temporal power according to their pleasure,-as that which is subordinate to the spiritual; so that the same reasons and scriptures which are urged by popes for the deposition of princes, are produced by sectaries for altering the succession. The episcopal reformation has manumized Kings from the usurpation of Rome, for it preaches obedience and resignation to the lawful secular power; but the pretended reformation of our schismaticks, is to set up themselves in the papal chair, and to make their princes only their trustees: so that whether they or the Pope were uppermost in England, the royal authority were equally depressed; the prison of our Kings would be the same; the gaolers only would be altered. The broad republicans are generally men of atheistick principles, nominal

Christians, who are beholding to the font only, that they are so called; otherwise Hobbists in their politicks and morals. Every church is obliged to them that they own themselves of none, because their lives are too scandalous for any. Some of the sectaries are so proud, that they think they cannot sin; those commonwealth men are so wicked, that they conclude there is no sin. Lewdness, rioting, cheating, and debauchery, are their work-a-day practice; their more solemn crimes are unnatural lusts, and horrid murders. Yet these are the patrons of the nonconformists; these are the swords and bucklers of God's cause, if his cause be that of separatists and rebels. It is not but these associates know each other at the bottom as well as Simeon knew Levi: the republicans are satisfied that the schismaticks are hypocrites, and the schismaticks are assured that the republicans are atheists: but their common principles of government are the chains that link them; for both hold Kings to be creatures of their own making, and by inference to be at their own disposing: with this difference, notwithstanding, that the canting party face. their pretences with a call from GOD, the debauched party with a commission from the people. So that if ever this ill-contrived and equivocal association should get uppermost, they would infallibly contend for the supreme right; and as it was formerly on their money, so now it would be in their interest; "God with us" would be set -up on one side, and "The Commonwealth of