publican and Democratic parties formally acknowledge the urgency of the task, but in neither do party traditions and composition favor its execution. The problem is for the control of licentious capitalism, but the chief sinners sit as Republican Senators, or are active and munificent supporters of the Republican machine; the problem is for the extension of Federal power, but the "States rights" sentiments still dominate the majority of the Democratic party. Before both ancient parties stands the dread of the swift emergence of a Labor-Socialist movement, revolutionary in its aims and methods, a possibility always lurking in the near background of American politics.

The instinctive popular craving for a strong savior has given Mr. Roosevelt an opportunity, which he has seized and worked with marvellous energy and fertility of resource. Americans take any interesting man at his own valuation, and Mr. Roosevelt has convinced them, for the time, that he is a man sent by heaven to restore liberty. Recent events have furnished an heroic atmosphere for his "labors" in strangling hydras, bludgeoning giants, and cleansing stables. For the rapid succession of scandals, implicating the insurance business, the meat trade, the Standard Oil Trust, and railroad finance, and revealing in each instance most sinister relations between economic potentates and the machinery of government, focuses the whole attention of the nation upon the legislative efforts he inspired in the Congress which has just come to its end. His technical achievements in the legislative field have been considerable. His main attack was directed at the railroads, whose unchecked financial and industrial power stands out as the most conspicuous peril. The Railway Rate Act confers upon the Inter-State Commission the right to impose "rea

sonable" rates, subject to an appeal to the courts, and places restrictions upon the growing tendency of railroads to enter into mining, manufacturing, and commercial businesses. The Meat Inspection Bill and the Pure Food Bill were the direct outcome of the disclosure of monstrous abuses in the meat-packing and the drugs trades, and are otherwise significant as Federal developments of dubious constitutional validity. These and other acts in the sphere of domestic and foreign politics are adduced by Mr. Roosevelt's lieutenants as substantial fruits of statecraft, and evidences of his undiminished influence over the Legislature.

But there is another side. The rejection by the Senate of the Ship Subsidy Bill, and the failure of Congress to furnish protection for Child Labortwo measures strongly urged by the President-serve as illustrations of limits, political or constitutional, which the strongest President since Lincoln cannot transgress. Again, the solution of the California-Japan difficulty is very far from being the triumphant vindication of Federal authority it has sometimes been represented. For it seems tolerably clear that the formal submission of the Californian school authorities in consenting to admit Japanese children to equal educational facilities with Europeans, has been purchased by a provision inscribed in the Immigration Law, to be utilized for the exclusion of Japanese labor from the Pacific coast.

Even the legislation we have described, extending the industrial control of the central Government is of somewhat questionable efficacy. For, in order to secure the acceptance of his pièce de résistance, the Railway Rate Bill, Mr. Roosevelt had to concede an appeal to the law-courts which will certainly reduce, if it does not entirely destroy, the substance of the reforms.

Indeed, the great lesson of this Congress has been the clear exhibition of the possibility of strong businesses and rich men to evade and disobey Federal laws with almost complete impunity. Slowly but surely this is bringing to the front of politics that grave necessity of a constitutional reform essential to equip the Government at Washington with the power to do what every other civilized State is doing for the safety of its citizens, and the legitimate control of industry. To stretch the Inter-State commerce clause of the Federal Constitution, as Mr. Roosevelt and his ingenious lawyers essay to do, so as to hang upon it the right to impose all sorts of prohibitions and restrictions on industries conducted within the limits of the several States under the pretext that they use the railroads in the course of their business, is a very hazardous and unsatisfactory method of Federal development. Yet this, apparently, is the path preferred to the more honest, if more difficult, way of working for such amendment of the Constitution as shall confer upon the central Government the clear possession of the powers it needs. The task of obtaining the three-fourths majority of the States requisite to pass constitutional amendments may well damp the heart of the stoutest reformer. Yet many quiet, thoughtful Americans are becoming convinced that some such formal release from the hard Hamiltonian restraints set upon Federal competency will soon present itself as the only alternative to a violent disruption of the social order of America. Not the least significant of the newer features is the greater willingness of the Radical Democrats represented by Mr. Bryan to concede to the central Government the increased powers, which their great prophet, Jefferson, begrudged, and to aim at bestowing them by orderly process of constitu

tional amendment rather than by the alternative method of "packing" the Supreme Court with lawyers known to favor "elasticity" of interpretation.

While the old clear-cut principles and policies of both parties are thus fading before the exigencies of modern issues, the approach of another Presidential contest imparts new confusion into politics. In the present temper of the nation, fed by the energy of its President, it seems hardly conceivable that a conservative can be nominated next year by the Republican Convention with any prospect of success. If, on the other hand, Mr. Roosevelt, or his "favorite," Mr. Taft, accepts nomination, the Republicans next winter must "play up" to the Radical platform of more railroad and anti-Trust legislation, together with the proposals for income and inheritance taxation with which the President has been whetting the public appetite-measures violently reprobated by the powerful conservative section of their party. On the other hand, the Democrats are faced with difficulties of choice almost as great. Mr. Bryan is by far their strongest personality; he is willing to stand, and has purged himself of his "money" heresies, so far as practical politics are concerned. He has been moving towards a larger and more "Socialistic" Radicalism than even Mr. Roosevelt dare profess, and is apparently prepared to combine a direct demand for Federal and State ownership of railways with trust-killing legislation, and Tariff Reform more drastic than it would be safe for any Republican candidate to foreshadow. Should Mr. Roosevelt make a precedent, and brave the charge of Cæsarism by accepting the nomination for a third term of office, the dramatic proprieties, which are a sort of instinct in America, will demand Mr. Bryan for his antagonist as the only personality big enough to "fill the bill."

He gave both these lots the most careful scrutiny. The mirror was charming and perfect. The settee was a picture from a collector's point of view. It was of slender design and obviously antique build. Its graceful back and arms, which were ornamented by carving and lining, were characteristic of the maker and period, and simply delightful to the eye of the antique furniture fancier.

The settee had a history and a reputation of its own. It had some years previously been purchased by a private gentleman of the neighborhood at the dispersal sale of a well-known collection, on which occasion it had been run up nearly to three figures, being really a most perfect example of Sheraton furniture. From this gentleman's hands it had passed into the possession of Lawyer Philbank by a quiet process, but quite known to dealers and collectors, who keep an eagle eye on well-known and valuable specimens. Consequently, on the announcement of the present sale, several of them were upon its trail.

In the common variety of country furniture sales the descriptions "Sheraton" and "Chippendale" occur very frequently, and the chances of picking up a piece of furniture actually by these makers is a slender one; but in the present case here was the article, its history written and well known to all, and its resting-place noted in the pocket-book of more than one dealer for years past.

At this sale, therefore, were several "sets" of dealers, all bent on either securing the prize or making a little out of it. There were the local furniture men, determined to "make the Londoners pay." There was the usual group of general antique buyers from the various Midland centres, who would stand together against the locals and pay them out as little as possible, securing all they could, confident

of their own knowledge and abilities, and quite sure that when they "dropped" a lot there was no profit in it for any one else. Lastly, there was the small group of "Londoners" referred to, equally confident of being able to outbid the country antique men and yet secure a good profit from some rich amateur.

Against this combination of dealers and groups of dealers the amateur stood a poor chance of getting such a "plum" cheap. And so thought I and my friend Errington as we sauntered through the house, picking up a lot here and there for a closer inspection.

To several present Errington was not unknown. He had on more than one occasion given them a fruitless journey, having bid up for lots until they could hardly earn their railway fare out of them. Consequently, when they saw he was most evidently aware of the history of the settee, and probably also of its value, their hopes of "knocking out" any really substantial sum vanished. Still, such men are nothing if not stoical. Time and a very short time, too-would show whether they could earn one sovereign or twenty out of it, and there the matter had to rest.

The first day's sale commenced. An hour or two of patient waiting, during which the auctioneer metaphorically waded through the front kitchen, the back kitchen, and the larder-dwelling as long upon the knocking down of an iron pot as a city auctioneer would upon a £50 diamond ring-and the "Hall" was reached. This had been the location of the settee.

The moment of the sale had arrived. The curious waited with bated breath to see to what figure the masterpiece would rise. Three and even four figures were whispered about from ear to The dealers became all attenTo them the question was, was

ear.

tion.

there anywhere in the room a serious bidder for it outside their own ring? If not, they would divide a comfortable sum among themselves and one of them would carry off a prize. If there were such a bidder, the sum to be divided would certainly be small; it might be to vanishing point, andthere might be no prize at all.

It was bravely started at a sovereign by a local man anxious to show his knowledge of the value of such things, and carried up in five-shilling bids by one or two of the neighboring gentry to seven pounds ten. At this point a furniture man took it up, and it looked like being knocked down until Errington stepped in. Then ensued a duel: Errington on the one band and the furniture dealer on the other, the rest of the "ring" being content to leave it to their spokesman. By bids of half a sovereign it rose to eighteen pounds, and it became evident to the "ring" that Errington meant business. Standing next to him was a Leicester dealer who had met him once or twice at other sales and knew the general result of his bidding. The dealers' case was getting desperate. To see good money paid to the auctioneer when it might be divided amongst themselves goes against the grain of a dealer's mind; therefore, as desperate cases require desperate remedies, the Leicester man, with a nod to his companions, edged up to Errington, and quietly gave him a sign to cease bidding, and they would see that he had the opportunity of buying it afterwards or sharing with them.

Now the dealer, whatever his business methods, is honorable in "standing in." Once a compact is made, none but a blackleg would cry off. This Errington knew, and therefore, seeing that to continue bidding would mean either being outbid in the end or buying very dear, while to cease would give him a chance of getting it at a VOL. XXXV. 1844

LIVING

AGE.

more reasonable figure, he ceased, and allowed the auctioneer to knock it down at eighteen pounds ten, to the utter confusion of the locals.

The sale proceeded, the company dispersed, and thus ended the first sale of the settee.

The second took place in the warehouse of the local furniture man who had bought it. To this rendezvous the mixed lot of dealers gathered, and with them Errington. Lists and catalogues were produced, an auctioneer appointed, and the lots purchased by the various men were gone through in regular order.

"Lot 143, mahogany dining-table," called the auctioneer. "Four pounds. Any one want this table?"

"Yes; four pounds ten," said a voice. "Five pounds."

At five pounds it was knocked down, and the difference-twenty shillings-— pooled.

Lot after lot was thus disposed of, the pool growing steadily. At last the settee was reached.

"Who wants the settee?" said the auctioneer. "Eighteen pounds ten." "Nineteen," came from a bystander. "Twenty," said the Leicester man, and carried it up to twenty-eight pounds, at which point the locals all ceased to bid; and having nudged Errington to keep quiet, the Leicester man was the purchaser at that amount, nine pounds ten going to swell the pool.

At the end of this "sale" the pool, some twenty pounds or so, was divided equally amongst those present. Errington sharing, it being understood by the locals that he was al dealer standing in with the London lot.

Time was now getting short, as several present had long journeys before them, and the 6.5 up train was the latest that would serve. A small private room in Pagton's single commercial hotel was therefore the scene of the

third "sale," which was conducted to the accompaniment of a hasty tea. The "bag" of the party, seven in num ber, consisted of two articles only-the French mirror and the Sheraton settee. One of the London men appeared in an easy and natural way to take the position of chairman. Evidently he was a king among dealers. Addressing Errington, this important gentleman corteously informed him that stress of circumstances had forced them to take him into their settlement to some extent, and that he would now have his opportunity. At the same time he made it quite clear that they did not intend to let him share their profits further than he was prepared to bid.

The mirror was first put up. This stood at six pounds, at which figure Errington did not want it. He therefore let it pass, noting that no one else bid for it either, and rightly assumed that the true settlement among themselves was to follow when he had been got rid of.

The settee followed.

"Twenty-eight pounds," said the chairman.

"Twenty-nine," said Errington, and ran it up steadily by one pound bids to eighty, at which figure it stood to the credit of the "ring." Regretfully he ceased.

"Have you done, sir?"

"Yes, I am afraid so."

"Very well, then. We had better settle at once. Fifty-two pounds to knock out between seven of us. Your share, sir, will be seven guineas," and, suiting the action to the words, the chairman passed the coins over the table.

There being no further excuse for Errington to stay, to the evident relief of the party he wished them good-day and soon after joined me outside, re.counting his first experience of a dealer's "knock-out."

It was a keen disappointment, but could not be helped. After tea we took a stroll through the town, and while I noted the old familiar objects and a few strange new ones, my friend calmed and consoled himself with a cigar. As we passed I noted several faces well known to me, and especially an old fellow leaning over his front garden gate quietly smoking. "Good evenin', sir," said this individual.

"Good evening, John," said I, at once recognizing the voice as that of the lawyer's old gardener. "How are you getting on? Are you going to be taken on by the new owners of the house?"

"Nay, nay, sir, my time's over. Had to gi'e up three year ago; but the maister's been very good-let me live in this cottage, and now they tell me 'e's willed it to me in 'is will."

"I'm glad to hear it. I should think you were sorry to see the old things sold to-day?"

"Oh, aye, an' some of 'em fetched money, they did, too. There were that 'all seat as 'e 'ad made in Lunnon fetched mor'n 'e give for it, and lots o' things the same, I'm told."

"What seat was that?" I asked, and Errington pricked up his ears. "Why, that one as 'e 'ad made to look like the old 'un."

This was becoming interesting. "Do you mean that four-seat settee with the thin arms and a carved back-because that was a hundred years old if it was a day?"

"That's the one, sir; but it warn't no hundred year old. You see, sir, it were like this, 'e 'ad an old 'un-got it from the old squire's-an' it stood in the 'all some years, until one night there was a bit of a fire and it got burnt, not burnt up, ye understand, but burnt all ower black and one end done for altogether."

"Oh! what became of it then?" I asked.